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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## INDIA- Could caste politics give way to something more sophisticated?

Released on 2012-08-25 09:00 GMT

Email-ID | 4579928
Date | 2011-10-21 23:45:18
From | frank.boudra@stratfor.com
To | os@stratfor.com

Caste in India
Touchable
Could caste politics give way to something more sophisticated?
http://www.economist.com/node/21533458
Oct 22nd 2011 | NOIDA | from the print edition
Untouchable but not intangible
PINK sandstone elephants stand to attention on granite plinths. Fountains
leap, as more elephants squirt jets of water. Within a huge dome stand
sculptures of prominent dalits, formerly known as untouchables. Most
striking is a hefty bronze of the woman who ordered the place built:
Mayawati, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh (UP), shown clutching a giant
handbag.
A young visitor, craning his neck, suggests tourists will crowd from afar
to see all this. Many already have. Ms Mayawati herself visited on October
14th, hurling purple rose petals to inaugurate the dalit tribute park in
Noida, near Delhi, in UP's western tip. She brought 40,000 supporters for
the night to celebrate their identity.
Opponents carp at her splurging 6.8 billion rupees ($139m) on a few acres
of grass, some saplings and walls of self-aggrandising stonework. She
retorts, with some justification, that upper-caste Indian leaders, such as
the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, have parks and museums aplenty. And, she says,
since dalits have been abused by their countrymen for centuries, there is
immeasurable value in gestures to lift their caste pride.
In four spells as chief minister she has done plenty of that. Several
thousand statues have gone up, mostly of herself, of former dalit leaders
and of elephants-the symbol of her Bahujan Samaj Party. Her backers are
largely the lowest-caste,who vote by identity and relish success achieved
by one of their own. With over 40m dalits in UP alone, Mayawati's
political strategy has looked shrewd.
But her opponents, sensing a recent shift away from voting by caste in
neighbouring Bihar state, are hoping otherwise. They see the lives of many
dalits changing fast, especially for those flocking to urban areas like
Noida to do casual labour, shedding jobs as sweepers or tanners that once
defined them as outcasts. Such economic mobility may weaken their caste
identity, as could better education. And more than half of dalit families
in some poor parts of UP depend for their money on remittances from urban
migrants. So plenty of voters may yet come to care more about development,
misrule and corruption than about dalit solidarity.
If so, they have much to grumble over. The state, home to huge numbers of
poor, runs a big deficit, has wretched roads and public services. While Ms
Mayawati partied in the park, television news showed underfunded health
workers in eastern UP struggling to combat an outbreak of encephalitis
that has recently killed several hundred people, mostly children. Now the
Central Bureau of Investigation hints that it will at last prosecute Ms
Mayawati for corruption over evidence of huge growth in her personal
assets.
Voters will soon have their say, as Ms Mayawati must call state elections
within months. Since UP is huge-with 200m people, it is as populous as
Brazil-these are treated as test-runs for national elections, which must
follow by 2014. The UP vote is wide open. Ms Mayawati vies to be a
national figure, perhaps even India's first dalit prime minister. Rivals
seek to split off dalit sub-castes. Rahul Gandhi, a Congress Party scion,
campaigns among all the state's castes, including dalits.
Beneath the changes and the politicking, caste still has a firm hold on
politics. Harsh Mander, a social activist who has surveyed ongoing
untouchability, talks of "dismaying" caste divisions. He cites a study of
ten states which found dalit children fed separately from their peers in
over a third of rural schools. Statistics suggest dalit poverty, infant
mortality and illiteracy are much worse than the average.
There are more hopeful studies, though. One of them, designed and run by
dalit researchers including Chandra Bhan Prasad, who works for the
University of Pennsylvania, suggests "huge" changes in dalit social life
in UP. The researchers tracked stark new consumer, dietary, grooming and
work habits among dalits in two districts. In one, where only 3% of dalits
had used toothpaste in 1990, 82% did so by 2007. Those who ate tomatoes
rose from 3% to 57%. In another area only 23% of dalits reported sitting
with guests of other castes at weddings in 1990, but, by 2007, 91% did so.
The studies are now being repeated in five more areas,
Seemingly trivial, such trends in fact describe a rapid weakening of caste
identity, says Mr Prasad. He praises the arrival of "caste-neutral" jobs
such as delivering pizzas, and says visible consumerism that shows wealth
is quickly becoming more important as a sign of status than caste. "You
can be any caste you like, but if you don't have a mobile phone you are
nobody", he says. If so, pink elephants and bronze statues may prove less
effective in getting out the dalit vote.