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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## Re: ANALYSIS FOR QUICK COMMENT - Implications of engaging withHezbollah and Syria

Released on 2012-09-14 00:00 GMT

Email-ID | 5417524
Date | 2009-03-06 23:44:43
From | goodrich@stratfor.com
To | analysts@stratfor.com, friedman@att.blackberry.net

I just meant that the piece is stonger without the statements... takes up
room before getting to the good juicy intel Reva collected of what is
actually going on on the ground
George Friedman wrote:
These endless statements really don't matter that much. Trying to suss
out what is going on through these statements really doesn't work.
Remember that this is why we don't go to press conferences. These
statements really aren't worth worrying about. No one is making a deal
with hb, least of all the brits. And us and british policy is joined at
the hip. Both have the same interests in the region. This is some sort
of stupid game cooked up by diplomats. Ignore and focus on reality, not
public statements by minor officials.
Sent via BlackBerry by AT&T
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
From: Lauren Goodrich
Date: Fri, 06 Mar 2009 16:32:00 -0600
To: Analyst List<analysts@stratfor.com>
Subject: Re: ANALYSIS FOR QUICK COMMENT - Implications of engaging with
Hezbollah and Syria
I get everything except how the Duguid statement fits it... seems like
it goes against everything you're saying (which I follow the rest).
Reva Bhalla wrote:
U.S. State Department Spokesman Gordon Duguid said March 6 that the
U.S. position on Hezbollah is not going to change and that Hezbollah
is the organization "that had killed more Americans than any other
terrorist group before 9/11." His comments follow a move by the
British government March 5 to authorize what it called "selected
contacts" with Hezbollah's political wing, which is represented in the
Lebanese parliament. Duguid was also careful to add that while
"nations will have, from time to time, positions that differ with
those of the United States...we will watch in this case and see how
this policy from the U.K. proceeds."
The United States has been extremely careful not to criticize the
British move to politically engage Hezbollah up until now?. In fact,
Duguid said that the British made sure to advise the United States
before making public this diplomatic move to unfreeze relations after
four years of isolation. STRATFOR sources have also indicated that the
British outreach to Hezbollah was done in coordination with
Washington, marking yet another major break by the administration of
U.S. President Barack Obama with his predecessor's foreign policy,
which followed a strict policy of isolation toward Hezbollah and Syria
I'm not seeing the connection between thsi arguement and the statement
by Duguid... his statement seems hella harsh, how is he breaking
isolation now? seems like mixed signals.
The United States is not in a position to deal directly with
Hezbollah, an organization on the U.S. terror list. The British,
however, distinguish between Hezbollah's political and military wings,
do not list the group on its terror list, and only cut off contact
with the political arm after the Feb. 2005 assassination of former
Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik al Hariri. While the British are busy
reaching out to Hezbollah politicians, the United States is working on
a strategy to engage the Syrians. Two U.S. congressional delegations
have already made their way to Syria and U.S. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton has dispatched a high-level delegation led by Jeffrey
Feltman, a former ambassador to Lebanon and acting assistant secretary
of state for Near Eastern affairs, and White House official Daniel
Shapiro to Damascus March 7 for talks with the Syrian leadership.
The flurry of diplomatic activity in the Levant puts Syria in a very
complex, yet opportunistic, situation. The Syrians are looking out for
their core interests: securing Syrian hegemony in Lebanon, breaking
out of decades-long diplomatic isolation in the Arab world and the
West and securing immunity for the al Assad regime from an
international tribunal investigation into the 2005 al Hariri
assassination, which will be launched at the Hague March 8.
So far, the Syrians are making considerable progress: Syrian
intelligence is deeply imbedded in Lebanon's social, economic and
political spheres, allowing the Syrians to manipulate upcoming
Lebanese parliamentary elections in their favor. The United States,
Saudi Arabia and Israel have all begun reengaging with the al Assad
regime (though the Israeli talks are on hold until after Israel forms
a coalition and gets the government back on its feet). The tribunal is
still a sticky point, but negotiations are taking place behind the
scenes, and STRATFOR sources claim that the Syrian regime so far has
received some assurances from French President Nicolas Sarkozy that
the al Hariri tribunal will not target ranking Syrian officials.
But the Syrians also have a tricky balancing act to maintain in
dealing with Americans, the Saudis and (potentially) the Israelis on
one hand, and the their Iranian allies on the other. Iran has become
increasingly concerned that Damascus is straying too far from their
alliance and has made some recent moves to keep the Syrian regime tied
to Tehran (link). The Syrians, meanwhile, have attempted to reassure
Iran that it has no intention of trying to break off ties with the
Iranians, and can manage a complex balance in dealing with the West
and Arab states.
But one issue that is sure to cause a great deal of heart burn for the
Iranians is Syria's intentions toward Hezbollah. The Syrian regime
wants to ensure that it remains the most powerful force in Lebanon,
which involves making sure that Hezbollah is contained. Syria knows
that its negotiations with the Americans and the Israelis will not go
any further without making real concessions that involve curtailing
Hezbollah's power. But in the interest of safeguarding the al Assad
regime from Hezbollah and Iranian blowback, the Syrians are not
prepared to completely cut ties with its long-time militant proxy.
Hezbollah is still a powerful force to be reckoned with, and Syria is
much better off pursuing a strategy that undercuts Hezbollah's
military capability but keeps alive the organization as a political
force that it can work with in manipulating Lebanese politics. In
other word, the Syrians have an interest in bolstering Hezbollah's
political wing to ensure the group's survival, but likely views the
military wing as an expendable bargaining chip to use its negotiations
with Israel and the United States.
A STRATFOR source claims that many within Hezbollah already are
anticipating such an outcome and there is a growing interest within
the organization to transform itself into more of local, Lebanese
political movement. A major ideological hurdle to this initiative is
Hezbollah's association with Iran's Vilayat al-Faqih (Guardianship of
the Jurists) concept, which regards a relationship with Iran as
religiously sanctioned, which the British are looking to overcome in
dealing with Hezbollah. The source claims that there is a discussion
underway within Hezbollah to disassociate itself from Iran doctrinally
by moving away from the Wilayat al Faqih concept, while maintaining
religious affinity with Iran. Such discussions are likely to lead to
rifts within Hezbollah as the organization grows increasingly split
over how to balance between the interests of their Iranian patrons and
the major shifts taking place in Syrian foreign policy.
--
Lauren Goodrich
Director of Analysis
Senior Eurasia Analyst
STRATFOR
T: 512.744.4311
F: 512.744.4334
lauren.goodrich@stratfor.com
www.stratfor.com
--
Lauren Goodrich
Director of Analysis
Senior Eurasia Analyst
STRATFOR
T: 512.744.4311
F: 512.744.4334
lauren.goodrich@stratfor.com
www.stratfor.com