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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## SYRIA for fact check, REVA

Released on 2012-09-14 00:00 GMT

Email-ID | 378139
Date | 2009-07-15 21:50:19
From | mccullar@stratfor.com
To | reva.bhalla@stratfor.com

Syria, U.S.: A Slow Rapprochement
[Teaser:] Washington's growing interest in Damascus fits into a larger
U.S.-Saudi diplomatic effort to bring Syria back into the Arab fold.
Summary
U.S. envoy Fred Hoff is in Damascus for talks with Syrian Foreign Minister
Walid al Moallem. Hoff's visit is part of a slow rapprochement between
Syria and the West that has Iran and Hezbollah ill at ease.
Analysis
U.S. envoy Fred Hoff left Israel for Damascus July 15 to meet with Syrian
Foreign Minister Walid al Moallem. Hoff's visit is expected to be[delete?
if Mitchell's trip is planned, Hoff's visit is a prelude, right?] a
prelude to an upcoming visit to Syria and neighboring states by U.S.
Special Envoy to the Middle East George Mitchell.
Washington's growing interest in Damascus fits into a larger U.S.-Saudi
diplomatic effort to bring Syria back into the Arab fold and dilute
Iranian influence in the Levant. If Riyadh and Washington could have it
their way, they would have Damascus completely sever relations with Iran
and militant proxies like Hezbollah and Hamas. In exchange, Syria would be
able to break out of diplomatic isolation, play a larger role in regional
affairs, advance its peace negotiations with Israel and invite badly
needed investment to boost the stagnant Syrian economy.
But Syria is not one for wholesale negotiations. Syria's relationships
with Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas are precisely what give the ruling
Alawite-Baathist regime its leverage in the region. Syria isn't leery of
back-stabbing if the situation warrants it, but turning on Iran and
Hezbollah would invite more blowback than the regime is willing to
tolerate. The Syrians thus negotiate in a <link nid="134131">piecemeal
fashion</link>, demanding much and delivering little while pleading for
time and caution every step of the way.
Syria's primary demand in U.S. talks is for the United States, Saudi
Arabia, Turkey, Israel, France and the rest[other powers?] to recognize
<link nid="125065">Syrian hegemony in Lebanon</link>. The Syrians suffered
a major setback when its troops were pressured into withdrawing from
Lebanon in the wake of the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese Prime
Minister Rafik al Hariri, but Syria has spent the past several years <link
nid="137465">laying the intelligence groundwork</link> for a major
comeback. The more secure Syria feels about its position in Lebanon the
more willing it will be to distance itself from Hezbollah and Iran.
Syria has a long-standing tactical relationship with Hezbollah in Lebanon
but no desire to over-empower the Shiite Islamist group. For Syria to
negotiate effectively with the Saudis and the Americans, it needs to
demonstrate its ability to contain Hezbollah. The June 7 Lebanese
elections provided such an opportunity.
Prior to the Lebanese elections, Syria was engaged in back-channel talks
with Saudi Arabia and the United States during which the Syrians privately
pledged to facilitate a win for the Western-backed March 14 coalition over
the Hezbollah-led opposition alliance. Immediately following the
elections, STRATFOR sources in Hezbollah were outraged upon learning that
the Syrians, despite their reassurances to Iran and Hezbollah that they
would ensure the success of opposition candidates in northern Lebanon, the
western Bekaa Valley and Zahle in the south, ended up taking a much more
neutral stance. A STRATFOR source in Syria claims a large number of voters
who travelled from Syria to vote in Lebanon ended up casting their votes
in favor of the March 14 coalition on the government's instruction,
thereby tipping the balance toward the West's political preference.
The United States and Saudi Arabia were apparently quite pleased with
Syria's performance. Almost immediately after the elections, both
countries announced they would return their ambassadors to Damascus,
giving Syria the diplomatic recognition it has so earnestly sought. Even
before the Lebanese elections, the West sent some positive signals to the
Syrian regime, including the <link nid="137055">release of four Lebanese
officers</link> in connection with the Hariri assassination and a Der
Spiegel report that pinned blame for the killing on Hezbollah, not Syria.
Saudi Arabia, which carries substantial clout among the Lebanese Sunni
population, has come to terms with Syria's bid to reclaim influence in
Lebanon and wants Syria to eclipse Iran's role in the Levant. But the
Saudis also understand that Syria is reluctant to dismantle Hezbollah and
incur the backlash for such a move. So, Riyadh has revised its demands,
asking Damascus instead to contain Hezbollah's actions to prevent the
group from playing an injurious role in Lebanon. Saudi Arabia has
primarily used its petrodollar prowess to rehabilitate the Syrian regime,
pumping money into Syrian coffers every time Damascus delivers on its
promises.
But Saudi patience is also wearing thin; the Syrians are treading
carefully with the Iranians and are demanding more money from the Saudis
for even minor concessions, according to a STRATFOR source. Until Syria
and Saudi Arabia can come to an understanding over how exactly Syria will
move against Iran and Hezbollah, the formation of the Lebanese Cabinet and
a highly anticipated Syrian-Saudi summit (which was supposed to take place
this week) will continue to stall.
The United States is also making a <link nid="132445">more concerted
effort</link> to bring Syria into the Arab alliance, signaling that it is
willing to give Damascus a pass on the Hariri assassination. During his
visit to Israel and Syria, Hoff stressed that the Obama administration is
now ready to assist in mediating Israel-Syria negotiations, something
Syria has urged for quite some time. The Israelis have made clear that
they are in no mood to negotiate seriously with Damascus at the moment and
are more likely to see what comes out of Syria's rapprochement with Riyadh
and Washington before they put forth any real effort in the talks.
The process may be <link nid="132522">slow-going</link>, but Syria is
indeed inching toward healthier relations with its Arab rivals and the
West. Iran is watching these developments closely, and while it continues
to remind Syria that it <link nid="131805">still has levers</link> it can
use to maintain Damascus's loyalty, it also has plenty of reason to be
nervous.
Syria's relationship with Iran is already rocky and has been particularly
since Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's May 5 visit to Damascus.
During that visit, according to a STRATFOR source in Syria, the Iranian
president asked his Syrian counterpart, Bashar al Assad, to permanently
resettle the approximately one million Iraqi Sunni refugees currently
living in Abu al Hol camp in Syria's northwestern Hasaka province. Iran's
agenda is to alter Iraq's demography as much as it can in favor of the
Shiites to give Iran more leverage in influencing its western neighbor.
Syria is ruled by a minority Alawite regime in a Sunni-majority (74
percent) country. The last thing al Assad wants is for Iran to meddle with
Syria's elicate sectarian balance for its own interests. The source
claims that al Assad vehemently denied the request. The Iranian president
then allegedly threatened to cut off Syria's financial aid, though this
information has not been confirmed.
Hezbollah, too, has been feeling miffed. The Shiite militant group is
extremely wary of Syria's intentions and has been since the February 2008
assassination of Hezbollah commander <link nid="131971">Imad
Mughniyeh</link>. In Hezbollah's view, the Lebanese elections were yet
another duplicitous move in a <link nid="137208">string of Syrian
betrayals</link>. More recently, a STRATFOR source reported that a large
shipment of eastern European munitions ordered by Syria arrived at the
Aleppo airport in northern Syria from June 28 to June 30, during which
time airport authorities allegedly closed the airport for "maintenance."
Hezbollah claims the munitions were smuggled into Lebanon via the Homs
border crossing in northeastern Lebanon to supply Syrian allies in Lebanon
but that none of the munitions ended up reaching Hezbollah.
With the United States drawing down its presence in Iraq, Turkey resurging
and Iran becoming bogged down in internal political feuds, Syria sees an
opportunity to reshape its regional position and reclaim a hegemonic
position in Lebanon. Distancing itself from Iran and Hezbollah will be no
easy task and the rapprochement will be slow and tedious, but Syria's
confidence in its negotiations with Riyadh and Washington is growing,
along with Iran's and Hezbollah's heartburn.
Damascus will take its time and attempt to play all sides in The Saudis
and Americans have set a high price in these negotiations[?]
--
Michael McCullar
Senior Editor, Special Projects
STRATFOR
E-mail: mccullar@stratfor.com
Tel: 512.744.4307
Cell: 512.970.5425
Fax: 512.744.4334

### Attached Files

# | Filename | Size
--- | --- | ---
32718 | 32718_SYRIA for fact check.doc | 38KiB