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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## Re: DISCUSSION - US/MALAYSIA - evolving strategic cooperation

Released on 2012-03-01 01:00 GMT

Email-ID | 72358
Date | 2011-06-08 13:33:05
From | matt.gertken@stratfor.com
To | analysts@stratfor.com
List-Name | analysts@stratfor.com

One point I forgot to mention. While Malaysia is not yet ready to be put
in a situation where it has to 'choose' between the US and China, and will
avoid and delay doing this for a long time, ultimately its strategic
priority lies with the most powerful navy, and that means the United
States.
Malaysia has a large ethnic Chinese community that is economically
powerful and increasingly a critical voting block with the power to weaken
the ruling BN coalition -- this is conceivably a vulnerability in some
future time. Malaysia has experienced Chinese-authored destablization in
the past, in the form of Communist insurgency. We are nowhere near a
situation where China would revert to Cold War behavior like this in
supporting proxies to destabilize Malaysia. But my point in bringing this
up is that ultimately Malaysia will side with the US if the situation
comes to a standoff, because only the US (and its allies like Australia
and Japan) can guarantee Malaysia's security and economic stability in its
current form.
The current question is how to maintain strong relations with both the US
and China and avoid not move too fast or too far in a particular course of
action that causes a negative reverberation on the other relationship.
Since the US-China are in a 'thaw' period right now, this isn't as much of
a problem, but as we've discussed the thaw can go away pretty soon, and
China's maritime advances are gaining more attention.
On 6/8/11 5:39 AM, Matt Gertken wrote:
"Okay I've finished looking into the recent US-Malaysia developments.
The main story is simply that the US has said it is willing to expand
military engagement, and has left the offer open to Malaysia to expand
it.
US-Malaysia defense cooperation began in the 1960s, was boosted in the
1980s, in response to Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia, and then boosted
again after 9/11. The low point in the relationship was the Asian
financial crisis and Mahathir's run-in with the IMF, but ultimately
Malaysia has always insisted on heavy state control of the economy and
this hasn't hindered defense relationship. The relationship was often
conducted discretely to avoid Malaysian domestic hang-ups, but after
9/11 it became more open, and Mahathir used the war on terrorism as a
pretext to crush Islamist-leaning political opponents.
The US has set Indonesia as the cornerstone of ASEAN re-engagement, and
reached out to others like Vietnam, but it is also reaching out to
Malaysia as a natural economic partner and one of its examples of a
"good" Muslim state. Moreover, Malaysia is embedded in the Southeast
Asian security dynamic. It is a key state given its position on the
Strait, and it has has claims in the South China Sea territorial
disputes, where the US is attempting to insinuate itself to prevent
China from succeeding in dividing and isolating its ASEAN rivals.
Obama, who stresses his Pacific heritage, has already held a bilateral
visit with Najib once before at the US Nuclear Security Summit, and
Gates and Clinton both visited in 2010, prior to Gates recent bilateral
with Najib at the recent Shangri-La conference. The US is entering the
East Asia Summit this year (along with Russia), which Malaysia
originated as a non-US influenced Asian discussion group; Malaysia is
joining the US-led Trans Pacific Partnership negotiations for a large
new regional trade framework. On the security front, Malaysia has hailed
the US joining the ASEAN Defense Ministers meetings.
Malaysia in 2011 participated in the US/Thai Cobra Gold exercises,
rather than being a mere observer. It recently sent a medical team to
assist in Afghanistan. It remains a major counter-terrorism partner, and
a counter-piracy player in the Strait, and has expanded authorized
nonproliferation efforts by means of the 2010 Strategic Trade Act. Najib
called for a new regional rapid-response team to deal with natural
disasters, during his keynote address at Shangri-La.
Both sides are emphasizing that the main focal points of cooperation are
counter-terrorism, Malaysian cooperation in Afghanistan, Malaysian
enforcement of non-proliferation rules, counter-piracy, and natural
disasters. Yet the US is clearly laying the groundwork for something
bigger than this.
However, what is important is that the US wants cooperation with
Malaysia to focus more on precisely the threats posed by China's rising
maritime power. What the US is really offering is to expand its
cooperation with Malaysia to cover maritime domain security and
awareness. PACOM Chief Willard's comments in Kuala Lumpur highlight what
the US has in mind: "Domain security -- particularly maritime security
-- is the quintessential common cause among nations. Not only for their
navies but for the abundance of agencies that contribute to security ...
coast guards or their equivalent, with law enforcement duties, in
particular, can challenge illegal encroachment and criminal activities
that navies may not. Attainment of maritime domain awareness --
essential to security operations -- requires whole-of-government
collaboration within and across our nations, across governments,
judiciary, commerce, transportation, treasury and foreign affairs
agencies all play key roles in assuring maritime security."
Malaysia is not currently in this frame of mind. Najib's recent comments
emphasized the wishful thinking that cooperation with the US and China
are not exclusive, and multilateralism is the only way forward --
clearly Malaysia is trying to walk a the fine line and avoid 'cold war'
scenarios between US and China.
As with most of the US' re-engagement efforts in ASEAN, the concrete
progress may be slow to develop.Gates' meeting with Malaysian PM Najib
is a meeting of one lame duck and a potential lame duck. If Najib can't
win big in upcoming general elections -- by far the primary concern in
Malaysia at the moment -- then his party may dump him. And Malaysian
foreign policy is essentially top heavy, driven by the PM, as a legacy
of the Mahathir era, so there may be a limit to anything the two sides
should decide upon, until Malaysia's political situation is more
certain.
It is also important to notice that China has been rapidly expanding its
ties with Malaysia too. Hu Jintao visited in 2010, for the first time
for a Chinese president in 20 years, and big business projects are under
way, including Chinese companies building the new Kuala Lumpur mass
transit railway.
But what we can see here is that the US is trying to nudge Malaysia into
a new era of defense cooperation, one that is focused on maritime
security in a way that seeks to bind China into existing structures, and
prepare for contingencies if this fails.
***
NOTES on Malaysia-US military cooperation
Office of Defense Cooperation - http://malaysia.usembassy.gov/odc.html
. ODC manages and supports the Malaysian Armed Forces (MAF)
procurement of U.S. defense equipment, services and training.
. The F/A-18 "Hornet" case is the largest and most active FMS
program.
. ODC coordinates and supports approximately 14 - 16 bi-lateral
and multi-lateral exercises with the Malaysian Armed Forces and the
Royal Malaysian Police each year in order to promote interoperability
and cooperation. Examples of such exercises are: Cooperation Afloat
Readiness and Training (CARAT), Cope Taufan, Keris Strike, Air Warrior,
and Joint Combined Exchange Training.
Conferences
Each year, ODC sends about seventy members of the Ministry of Defense
and Malaysian Armed Forces to participate in U.S. hosted or co-hosted
conferences and seminars. These events increase interoperability and
cooperation between the U.S., Malaysia, and other countries in the
region.
. ODC also supports specialized regional events and seminars in
areas such as pandemic influenza preparedness and response;
noncommissioned officer engagement, and maritime security.
U.S. MILITARY EDUCATION AND TRAINING
ODC manages the International Military Education and Training (IMET)
program which provides U.S. training on a grant basis to students from
Malaysia. Each year, ODC sends approximately fifty Malaysian military
personnel for training under IMET. ODC also manages the Foreign Military
Sales Training Program, Counter Terrorism Fellowship Program (CTFP), and
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) courses.
.
Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation: National Interests and Regional
Order. Ed. by See Seng Tan and Amitav Acharya. "Malaysia Defense and
Security Cooperation: Coming out of the closet" J. N. Mak. pp127-153
http://books.google.com/books?id=BTeRGyeAqbwC&pg=PA138&lpg=PA138&dq=%22United+States%22+AND+%22Malaysia%22+AND+%22military+cooperation%22+OR+%22defense+cooperation%22+OR+%22security+cooperation%22&source=bl&ots=EFpUilh0L_&sig=_fFDv3tCrBgTio2fsv3GqY-mInk&hl=en&ei=wVvuTfwiwdvRAbSJjd4D&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CCYQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22United%20States%22%20AND%20%22Malaysia%22%20AND%20%22military%20cooperation%22%20OR%20%22defense%20cooperation%22%20OR%20%22security%20cooperation%22&f=false
. 1958 - US-Malay pact for US to supply military equipment
. Malaysia didn't want to join SEATO, didn't want to become US
puppet (substitute for British colonial master), and was fighting ethnic
Chinese domestic communist insurgency, so needed cooperative elements in
Chinese community
. Malaysia did join AMDA , virtually inherited from British, but
had to be very careful not to reveal full extent. Be discrete about
American cooperation.
. Opposition to economic neoliberalism from the West meant that
Malay had to be careful about cooperating with the West on defense
. 1969 race riots -
. Mahathir and other Malay nationalists emerge declaring less
accommodation toward minorities
. 1970 - Malaysia begins state-driven development model. `Look
east' to Japan and ROK for examples. Create Malay capitalist class.
. Malaysian acquisition of military assistance from the US/West
grows
. Malay coop with Australia under FPDA; the only problems emerge
when Oz seems ready to act as regional policeman under the US, such as
when John Howard said Oz could target terrorists outside its borders,
drawing Mahathir's ire.
. 1981 Mahathir takes over. Worries about American values and
neoliberalism. But
. ASEAN defense cooperation lacking - differences, and all low
tech (therefore nothing to gain)
. Malaysia tried to encourage the US not to abandon the region
after the Vietnam war
. Malay coop with Thai and Indonesia on border regions to fight
communist insurgency
. Malay reorient toward conventional land threat when Vietnam
invaded Cambodia early 1980s.
. US assistance increased after the Viet invasion of Cambodia, and
after Soviet fleet buildup at Cam Ranh Bay. Greater funds, and
International Military Education Training (IMET). In 1980 Malaysai buys
88 Skyhawk Jets, and in 1984 the relationship was `upgraded and
institutionalized' by a bilateral training and consultative group being
formed.
. After 1991 Vietnam withdrawal, Malaysia began to focus more on
maritime and Spratly claims
. Malaysia sought to coop with US and Oz, despite Mahathir's
opposition to US agenda
. In 2002 Najib gave a paper
http://www.heritage.org/research/lecture/us-malaysia-defense-cooperation
where he talked about how the US-Malaysia defense coop was an `untold
story' and well kept secret. Talked about frequent US ship visits; US
airforce training with Royal Malaysia counterparts, mock battles; US
Navy SEALS do training in Malay two times per year; US Army does field
exercises with Malaysian army, whose jungle warfare capabilities are
renowned and they are nicknamed `whispering death'; and the IMET program
benefiting lots of defense personnel. US has never turned down a Malay
request for weapons. 9/11 supposedly galvanized relations like never
before. US is allowed overlfights, `excellent access' to Malay intel,
and Malay forces protect US ships in the strait, and teaching other
ASEAN states how to spot and freeze terrorist assets
. Terrorists wanted to topple `secular' regimes and incumbent
regimes, Malaysia was concerned about Jemaah Islamiyah and Kumpulan
Mujahidin Malaysia (KMM). after 9/11 Malay made public much of the
cooperation with the US that had begun much earlier but was kept secret.
. Mahathir could crackdown on Muslim political opponents (like
PAS) by means of the anti-terrorist push post-9/11
SOURCES
http://www.pacom.mil/web/site_pages/media/news.shtml
SOME RECENT EVENTS
10th Shangri-La Dialogue - IISS Asia Security Summit - Najib gave
opening address, and Gates and Najib had a direct talk
Keynote Address - Dato' Sri Najib Tun Razak
The 10th IISS Asia Security Summit
The Shangri-La Dialogue
Singapore
Friday 03 June 2011
Keynote Address
Dato' Sri Najib Tun Razak
Prime Minister, Malaysia
As Prepared
Salam-alaikum and a very good evening. Mr Teo Chee Hean Acting Prime
Minister, honourable ministers, defence chiefs, distinguished
participants, ladies and gentlemen, let me first thank Dr John Chipman
for his kind words of introduction, and for inviting me to speak with
you this evening. I am delighted to be here in Singapore, to be joined
by so many distinguished government representatives, policy makers,
business people and opinion leaders - and of course to mark ten years of
fruitful and productive dialogue here, at the Shangri-La Hotel. The
first time I was here, back in 2002, I was Defence Minister. A lot has
changed since then. For one thing, I am now Prime Minister, which I am
afraid means I get to come between you and your dinner.
Ladies and gentlemen, in June 1963 President Kennedy, delivering the
commencement address at the American University in Washington, spoke at
length about peace in a thermonuclear age. He said, `What kind of peace
do I mean? What kind of peace do I seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced
on the world by American weapons of war, not the peace of the grave or
the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind
of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables
men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their
children - not merely peace for Americans, but peace for all men and
women - not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.'
The thing that strikes me most about his words is that, rather than
succumbing to an expedient vision of world peace, he chose not to
compromise and to continue to strive for a better world. Three decades
later, the end of the Cold War, rather than producing the peace dividend
we all expected, has instead given rise to a new set of complex,
multi-dimensional security challenges. The elimination of Osama bin
Laden and now the capture of Ratko Mladic serve as a reminder of the
security threats we face, albeit threats of a different kind to those
faced by the world back in the 1960s.
Today, we cannot and we must not return to the old bipolarity of that
Cold War, an era of stalemate and stand-off that crippled the world for
far too long. We have no choice but to rise to these new challenges
together. In the 21st century our economies are so integrated and
interdependent, and production processes are so dispersed across
borders, that it no longer makes sense for global powers to go to war;
they simply have too much to lose. National interests are becoming more
and more about collective interests, and our task now is to reflect this
in a multilateralism that is both hard-headedly realistic and
progressive. Because the way ahead, I have no doubt, must be built on
co-operation and not on confrontation; for that, every country, every
leader here today, must play their part.
The cynics thought that Asia and the West could never truly come
together as a cohesive whole, that we had too little in common, that
life in Surabaya was simply too far removed from life in San Diego. The
last ten years have proved them wrong. Yes, we come from many cultures
and we speak many languages but, as US Defence Secretary Robert Gates -
and I wish him well in his retirement - said in this room last year, the
Pacific Ocean is not a barrier that divides us but a bridge that unites
us.
The United States has long been a modernising and moderating force
within our region, supporting democratic institutions, improving
governance and fostering respect for human rights. Barack Obama has
described himself as America's first Pacific president, and Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton has spoken of the need to find strong partners
here. Such warm words are welcome, but they are just the latest in a
long exchange of ideas and views between the United States and Asia. I
am pleased that America, and of course Russia, will be taking part in
the East Asia Summit for the first time later this year.
Next month will see the 40th anniversary of Henry Kissinger's secret
mission to China ahead of President Nixon's historic visit in 1972.
Coming in the midst of the Cold War, Nixon's visit shocked many in the
United States. How could the fervently anti-communist leader of the
Western world possibly sit down with his ideological adversary? The
answer, of course, is that the United States saw in China the potential
to become a counterweight to the Soviet bloc, but this new alliance went
much further than that. Nixon's visit was not just about the United
States opening itself up to China; it was about China opening itself up
to the United States. It is a relationship that has benefited both
countries ever since, but such productive dialogue can only take place
if there is an openness to engagement on both sides.
It would of course be quite wrong to suggest that China's actions in the
early 1970s were somehow uncharacteristic, that they represented a
change in stance and attitude towards the wider world. Since the time
of the Ming Dynasty, China has been a great and growing power, and
today, as the focus of the world's economy has shifted from West to
East, from the nations of the Atlantic Ocean to those of the Pacific,
China has grown still more assertive, opening up and engaging with its
neighbours and competitors.
We should see this as a cause for optimism rather than concern. China
may be expanding - it has enjoyed spectacular economic growth of 9-10% a
year for the last 20 years - but it is not going to dominate the globe
in the way the biggest economic forces of the past once did. In the
late 1940s, the United States not only had the largest GDP of any
nation, it also accounted for more than half of the world's wealth.
When, as predicted, Chain becomes the world's largest economy in around
30 years, it is likely to account for less than a quarter of global
GDP. Wealth will be much more evenly spread, with the United States,
Europe and Japan acting as a balance to Beijing's rapid growth.
Nor should China's growing military capacity cause us undue alarm.
Despite rapid increases in Chinese military expenditure, the United
States will continue to be by far the pre-eminent military power and by
far the biggest spender. Minister Liang Guanglie may oversee the
world's largest standing army, but in Malaysia we know well that China's
first commitment is to peace.
Six hundred years ago the great Chinese admiral Zheng He visited
Malacca. He brought with him 300 ships and something like 35,000 troops
- an armada that could easily have conquered the region, if his heart
had been set on that course. Zheng had come not to invade by force of
arms but to extend the hand of friendship. One hundred years later the
Portuguese came with 800 troops and only around a dozen ships and
conquered Malacca for the next 130 years, but we do not like to talk
about that.
Today, China is our partner. The United States is also our partner.
And this evening I say clearly to our friends from America, from China,
Russia, India and beyond: we in ASEAN share your values and your
aspirations, and we urge you to work with us. It is not about taking
sides. We must replace the old bilateralism of the Cold War not with a
new bilateralism, but a multilateralism that can rise to the task ahead.
Because war between nations is no longer the greatest threat scenario in
the region or the world. Instead, we face a new set of asymmetric and
non-traditional security challenges: human trafficking, terrorism, drug
smuggling and nuclear proliferation cannot be resolved in isolation or
through the old security structures of the past.
We in ASEAN know this, which is why we have in place a range of security
structures, not just one. Intra-Asian trade is now valued at around
$1 trillion. Linking our economies together in this way is in itself a
means of actively reducing the possibility of conflicts. Trade and
investment are the important building blocks towards peace. After all,
why would you wage war on your biggest market?
As our economies come together, so do our people. New communication
technologies and the advent of low-cost airlines are breaking down
borders, allowing more people to integrate with their near and
not-so-near neighbours.
In my country, Malaysia, integrating many cultures, tongues and
religions is simply what we do. It is what we have done for more than
half a century since independence. Out of that unity comes stability,
security and peace. My own heritage lies with an ethnic group called
the Bugis. Our family tree has many branches, wrapped around the
islands and peninsulas of Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore - a
geographical spread that came about in part because of our passion for
seafaring and exploration, but also because of the way we conducted
ourselves once we arrived in a new land. Throughout history races and
peoples have sought out new territory through conquest and oppression,
but the Bugis have always taken a different approach -falsafah tiga
hujung, or the philosophy of the `three tips'. The first is hujung
lidah. The second is hujung anu tu, which I will not translate. The
third ishujung keris. It is one that I believe still resonates today.
Physical conflict - invasion, violence and war - was always the most
desperate last resort. Long before taking up arms, the Bugis would
first use diplomacy - that's the hujung lidah. They would talk to their
neighbours, get to know them, try to come to a mutually acceptable
conclusion. The next step involved integration, strengthening bonds
between the Bugis and the other parties through friendship and family.
Sometimes this would literally involve marriage. That is not quite what
I am proposing today; for one thing, I already have a lovely wife. In
our globalised economy, the financial relationships between countries
bind us together almost as closely as wedding vows.
Today, for example, the same waters that my ancestors crossed a thousand
years ago, and that Zheng sailed back in the 15th century, are some of
the most important trade routes in the world. Every year almost 100,000
ships travel down the Straits of Malacca and more than a quarter of the
world's traded goods pass through the South China Sea. If
transportation links are the lifeblood of international trade, South
East Asia has become its beating heart and we have a collective
responsibility to ensure businesses can operate here in safety and
security. That is why Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia are already
working trilaterally, through the `Eye in the Sky' initiative, to combat
the menace of piracy in the Straits of Malacca - an effective response
in comparison to the escalating situation in the Horn of Africa.
The areas where we need to work together are not confined to trade.
Post 11 September we are facing a new and uncharted security landscape
with multiple threat scenarios. We must meet those challenges
comprehensively, with resolve and decisiveness, and with no option off
the table. We need to start with every nation playing their part in
securing their own internal borders. This must be followed by a
willingness to work together on a bilateral and multilateral basis.
Malaysia has and will continue to play its role as a responsible global
citizen, and we have shown and will continue to show that our commitment
is not merely rhetorical but is backed by action. In working to secure
world peace, Malaysian peacekeepers have served under the umbrella of
both the United Nations and NATO. From Somalia to the Balkans,
Malaysian security personnel have made the ultimate sacrifice in the
service of global stability.
Ours is not simply a peacekeeping role. Malaysia contributes in many
ways, sometimes rather unexpected ways - for example in Afghanistan,
where we are playing our part in the country's rehabilitation by sending
much-needed female Muslim doctors. In the fight against global
terrorism, we have also been an active player, pro-active in ensuring
that Malaysia becomes neither a hotbed nor a transit point for terrorist
operations. And either actively or through the sharing of intelligence
with regional security apparatus, we have helped with the apprehension
or elimination of terrorists like Mas Selamat, Dr Azahari and Noordin
Mat Top.
In the southern Philippines, Malaysia has put in an international
monitoring team and acted as an intermediary by hosting peace talks
between the Philippines government and the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front. This has at times been a sensitive issue for us, but we are
committed to taking the lead in the interests of wider stability and
peace. In southern Thailand, we have signalled our willingness to help
with the socio-economic development of the four provinces with
substantial Muslim populations. Bilaterally, we are working with the
United States to combat crimes like drug trafficking, terrorism and
fraud; and with Australia, to tackle the issue of asylum seekers and to
foster stability right across our region.
Multilaterally, we are working to enforce the UN Security Council
resolution on the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
through our new Strategic Trade Act. I am determined that we will play
our part as a responsible member of the international and regional
community and that, in the spirit of the 1995 declaration, we will
together make ASEAN a nuclear-free zone.
We simply cannot allow our important work together to be derailed by
tensions or destabilised by disagreements and disputes. With Thailand
and Cambodia currently at the Hague, our region knows only too well how
deadly such clashes can be. In this case, there is of course the good
and bad news. The bad news is that 16 people lost their lives. The
good news is that both sides are now talking. We all have high hopes
for an imminent resolution.
Of course difficulties between neighbours will flare up from time to
time but, in our region, significant progress has in fact been made in
settling some of these disputes over the years. China and Russia were
able to resolve their land border, at 4,300 kilometres the longest in
the world, in 2008. Vietnam and China completed their land border
demarcation in that same year.
In Malaysia we have long tried to negotiate our border disputes in a
spirit of consultation and negotiations. With Thailand, for example, we
created a joint development area, with both countries agreeing to share
mineral resources. With Singapore, a peaceful and diplomatic appeal to
the International Court of Justice resulted in an amicable ruling that
was accepted by both sides. With Brunei, a solution was found on the
basis of a mutually beneficial formula, with a production-sharing
agreement put into place.
I hope that all border disputes can be resolved in that same spirit of
mutual respect and co-operation. I am also optimistic that ASEAN and
China will soon be able to agree on a more binding code of conduct to
replace the 2002 Declaration of Conduct in the South China Sea. The
overlapping claims in the South China Sea, involving six parties, are
particularly complex, but they have generally been managed with
remarkable restraint. We must never allow our disagreement on this
issue to escalate beyond the diplomatic realm. All parties must remain
steadfast in their resolve to find a peaceful resolution to this
dispute. Yes, while I remain fully committed to the common ASEAN
position in terms of our engagement with China on the South China Sea, I
am equally determined to ensure our bilateral relationship remains
unaffected and, in fact, continues to go from strength to strength.
This is the way forward: dialogue, engagement, consensus. Those are the
values enshrined in the declaration of the Zone of Peace, Freedom and
Neutrality signed by the founding ASEAN member states in 1971, when my
father was Prime Minister of Malaysia, and in the Treaty of Amity and
Co-operation since then.
Let me now share with you my thoughts on six practical principles that
might underpin the notion of effective co-operation in our region.
Firstly, it is extremely important for such multi-state engagement to
fully recognise the role of each member state, rich or poor, small or
big. Secondly, we must appreciate that every member country is
different in terms of history, culture and its economic position.
Thirdly, confidence-building measures need to be put in place to foster
deeper dialogue and understanding between partners. Fourthly, we need a
web of different forms of security architecture, not only regional and
with the co-operation of extra-regional powers but also within the
context of bilateral arrangements. Fifthly, there need to be
institutional relationships - relationships not just at the highest
levels, but also between our different institutions.
A significant degree of regional and global co-operation already exists,
and building upon this will draw the major players closer towards each
other. Indeed, regional processes such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and
the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus 8 are already actively
exploring co-operation in disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.
I would like to call today for the establishment of a regional
humanitarian body, a new rapid-response team with the ability to respond
to disaster when it strikes. These activities are especially relevant
because they foster direct interaction between the defence and security
agencies of different countries, going beyond formal declarations and
high-level dialogues to coordinated operations on the ground.
Establishing the ARF was one of the most far-sighted and bold
initiatives our regional community has taken to strengthen peace and
foster stability - inclusive in nature and embracing countries of all
political hues. We have been a little slow, though, in making progress
on our agenda of building confidence, security contacts and of
preventive diplomacy. It is clear that the ARF, complemented by the
ADMM+8, has to make greater haste and show stronger political resolve on
all sides, but in building new alliances and forging new security
contacts we should not forget the old ones, like the Fire Power Defence
Arrangement.
As I said earlier, we should not be surprised when we encounter
problems, which brings me to my sixth and final point: that far from
letting these difficulties knock us off course, we must build on all we
have achieved together to not only manage such disputes, but to resolve
them. Now more than ever, we need to focus on the bigger picture and
not become blinkered by our own concerns.
In Islam we have a concept, wasatiyyah, which means moderation or
`justly balanced'. It is this spirit of moderation that has made
Malaysia the country it is today, and that I believe will now be the key
to overcoming the challenges we face together as a region. That is why,
at the United Nations last year, I called for a new global movement of
the moderates that would see government, business and religious leaders
around the world face down extremism wherever it is found. Just as you
cannot make the world a better place by passing a law proclaiming that
it will be better, you cannot rid the world of extreme views simply by
making them illegal. I have no doubt we can best foster tolerance and
understanding not by silencing the voice of hatred, but by making the
voice of reason louder and louder.
Since our discussions and deliberations 10 years ago, this forum has
always been a lot more than a talking shop. It has been about fostering
clear-headed, practical security and defence co-operation. I believe
that the movement of the moderates can be a similarly constructive
expression of our common values. The great challenge before us as
nations is how to secure the blessings of liberty and prosperity for our
people in an uncertain world. How do we chart a better future for our
children? How do we advance the welfare of our people and solve the
great problems of our times? The answers lie in coming together and in
collectively bringing our will and resources to bear.
As responsible leaders, we cannot and should not squander the
opportunity before us to help build a new world order, where a just and
equitable peace predicated on the rule of law is the norm rather than
the exception. We know that governments that do not practice good
governance are existing on borrowed time. We must ensure peace and
stability at all levels - national, regional and global. To achieve
that goal, let us continue to engage each other in a constant dialogue
for, in the words of Winston Churchill, `jaw-jaw is better than
war-war'. I thank you.
http://www.iiss.org/conferences/the-shangri-la-dialogue/shangri-la-dialogue-2011/speeches/keynote-address/dato-sri-najib-tun-raza/
Military ties between the United States and Malaysia remain strong and
will continue to strengthen, said US Pacific Command commander Admiral
Robert F. Willard.
. Willard said he discussed matters of mutual interest with
Malaysian Armed Forces chief Jeneral Tan Sri Azizan Ariffin.
. "We explored new ways in which armed forces of the two countries
can help contribute to security in the Asia Pacific region," he told
reporters after delivering a talk entitled "Securing the Maritime
Commons: The Role of Regional Navies" at a hotel here yesterday.
. "I think it's important that Malaysia decides how and where the
military co-operation expands and improves," said Willard who was here
[Kuala Lumpur] as a speaker at the 25th Asia-Pacific Roundtable
yesterday.
. Willard said there were many areas that the Malaysian armed
forces could contribute regionally beyond maritime security
. He pointed out that Malaysia's participation in the
multinational "Cobra Gold" exercise in Thailand at an increased level as
a positive move.
Speech to 25th Asia-Pacific Roundtable; "Securing the Maritime Commons:
The Role of Regional Navies"
By Admiral Robert F. Willard, Commander, U.S. Pacific Command
Kuala Lumpur Malaysia
.
CONSIDER THE ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM, THAT TODAY REGULARLY LEADS
MULTI-NATIONAL SECURITY EXERCISES TO "PROMOTE PEACE AND SECURITY THROUGH
DIALOGUE AND COOPERATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC" EVOLUTIONS THAT INVOLVE A
HOST OF REGIONAL MILITARIES, AND NAVIES, AND THOUSANDS OF PARTICIPANTS
INCLUDING U.S. PACIFIC COMMAND.
. AND IN RECENT YEARS, HAS FOCUSSED ON THE VERY TOPIC WE'RE GOING
TO DISCUSS TODAY SECURITY IN THE MARITIME COMMONS.
. AS A TESTAMENT TO THE IMPORTANCE THE U.S. HAS ATTACHED TO
ASEAN, WE NOW HAVE A DEDICATED AMBASSADOR IN DAVID CARDEN ... WHO WE
HOPE WILL BE EMBRACED BY THE ASEAN COMMUNITY
. [Straight of Malacca's importance. ] AND YET, IT'S JUST ONE OF
A DOZEN STRATEGIC STRAITS IN THE ASIA PACIFIC. ALL IMPORTANT FOR THE SEA
LANES THAT PASS THROUGH THEM ... ALL OF WHICH HAVE BEEN FOUGHT OVER
THROUGHOUT HISTORY. ALL OF WHICH MUST BE MAINTAINED SECURE IF THE
COMMERCE UPON WHICH WE DEPEND IS TO MOVE GOODS, UNIMPEDED.
. I MIGHT OFFER THAT INCREASINGLY IN THE 21ST CENTURY, SECURITY
IN ALL DOMAINS - LAND, AIR, SPACE, CYBERSPACE AND MARITIME - WILL BE
NECESSARY TO ENABLE THE FREEDOMS OF ACTION THAT ARE FUNDAMENTAL TO
GLOBAL PROSPERITY IN THIS ERA.
. DOMAIN SECURITY - PARTICULARLY MARITIME SECURITY - IS THE
QUINTESSENTIAL COMMON CAUSE AMONG NATIONS.
. NOT ONLY FOR THEIR NAVIES BUT, FOR THE ABUNDANCE OF AGENCIES
THAT CONTRIBUTE TO SECURITY, ACROSS A BROAD RANGE OF CHALLENGES.
. COAST GUARDS OR THEIR EQUIVALENT, WITH LAW ENFORCEMENT DUTIES,
IN PARTICULAR, CAN CHALLENGE ILLEGAL ENCROACHMENT AND CRIMINAL
ACTIVITIES THAT NAVIES MAY NOT.
. ATTAINMENT OF MARITIME DOMAIN AWARENESS - ESSENTIAL TO SECURITY
OPERATIONS - REQUIRES WHOLE-OF-GOVERNMENT COLLABORATION BOTH WITHIN AND
ACROSS OUR NATIONS.
. ACROSS GOVERNMENTS, JUDICIARY, COMMERCE, TRANSPORTATION,
TREASURY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS AGENCIES ALL PLAY KEY ROLES IN ASSURING
MARITIME SECURITY.
.
AND LAST, BUT CERTAINLY NOT LEAST, TO DISPUTES EITHER ON, OR PROXIMATE
TO THE MARITIME SEA LANES THAT COULD OTHERWISE FLASH INTO CONFLICT AND
DISRUPT THE PEACEFUL FLOWS OF COMMERCE THAT MUST BE SECURED.
. ASSOCIATIONS SUCH AS ASEAN PLAY A PIVOTAL ROLE IN THIS.
. ASEAN AND OTHER MULTI-NATION FORUMS SUCH AS SHANGRI-LA DIALOGUE
PROVIDE OPPORTUNITIES FOR NATIONS TO FRAME THE CHALLENGES, SEEK COMMON
AND EFFECTIVE APPROACHES TO THEM, AND CONDUCT RESPECTFUL DISCOURSE WHEN
NATIONS DISAGREE.
.
I MENTIONED THE SUCCESSFUL MULTI-NATIONAL EVENTS THE ASEAN REGIONAL
FORUM REGULARLY LEADS.
. IN MARCH THE FORUM LED A DISASTER RESPONSE EXERCISE IN
INDONESIA, WHICH WAS THE SECOND IN A SERIES THAT BEGAN IN THE
PHILIPPINES IN 2009.
. THIS YEAR'S EVENT STRENGTHENED CONFIDENCE AND INCREASED
INTEROPERABILITY AMONG THE CIVIL AND MILITARY AGENCIES AND ADVANCED
REGIONAL CAPACITIES TO PROVIDE COORDINATED AND EFFECTIVE DISASTER
RESPONSE.
. MULTI-NATIONAL PLANNING AND TRAINING EVENTS LIKE THIS ARE
REMINDERS THAT THE NATIONS OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC ASSUME A SECURE AND
ACCESSIBLE MARITIME DOMAIN TO EFFECTIVELY PREPARE FOR, OR RESPOND TO
NATURAL DISASTERS.
. AS WAS DEMONSTRATED EARLIER IN THE YEAR IN JAPAN, FOLLOWING THE
CONFLUENCE OF EARTHQUAKES, TSUNAMI, AND NUCLEAR ACCIDENTS.
. THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE - BY A HUNDRED NATIONS AND ALMOST
TWO DOZEN MILITARIES - CLEARLY DEMONSTRATED THE IMPORTANCE OF
COOPERATION AND INTEROPERABILITY.
. IN CLOSING, I'D ASK YOU TO IMAGINE AN ASIA-PACIFIC WHERE
SECURITY PREVAILS ACROSS THE GLOBAL COMMONS AND WHERE ACCESS IS
UNINHIBITED.
. A REGION WHERE THERE ARE NO TERRITORIAL DISPUTES OR, IF ONE
ARISES, IT IS RESOLVED PEACEFULLY AND EQUITABLY WITHIN AN AGREED UPON
FRAMEWORK.
.
http://www.pacom.mil/web/Site_Pages/Media/News_2011/05/31-Speech-by-adm_willard-25thAsia-pacific-roundtable.shtml
Obama admin warm-up to Malaysia --
http://www.eastwestcenter.org/fileadmin/stored/pdfs/apb081.pdf
. Obama as `pacific president' and reaching out to Muslims
. US stepping up engagement with ASEAN (treaty of amity/coop, plus
sending ambassador), joining ADMM+ , and EAS
. Obama-Najib bilateral at Nuclear Security Summit
. Clinton and Gates visit - 2010
o Met with Dep PM Muhyiddin Yassin
o Spoke as Islamic center to talk about Malaysia being a leader of
Islamic modernity
o Expand cooperation on education, medicine, new tech
o Complained about Anwar
. Malaysia send 40-member medical team to Afghanistan at request
of Afghan govt.
. Malaysia passes Strategic Trade Act 2010 - halt transshipment of
WMD-related goods
. Malaysia joins TPP talks
TIMELINE OF RECENT COOPERATION
May 2011
USS Avenger Builds Ties with Malaysian Navy -
http://www.pacom.mil/web/Site_Pages/Media/News_2011/05/16-USSAvenger-builds-ties-w_malaysian_navy.shtml
. Malaysian officers Lt. Lim Kim Tat and Lt. Mohd Hafiz bin Atan
had the opportunity to observe Avenger Sailors in a sea and anchor
evolution, observe an integrated training drill, learn about mine
sweeping operations and see a traditional U.S. Navy "crossing the line"
ceremony.
. Ensign Garth Thomas gave the two Malaysian naval officers a tour
of the ship's mine sweeping capabilities and discussed with Tat and Atan
how the Malaysian navy performs mine sweeping operations.
. Throughout several damage control and integrated training
drills, Avenger officers and enlisted personnel helped explain the
significance of specific methods the U.S. Navy uses in training Sailors.
. According to State Department officials, Malaysia has made
regional cooperation a central piece of it's foreign policy. Cooperation
between the 7th Fleet and Malaysian navy in anti-piracy efforts has
contributed to the recent decline in pirate attacks in the Straits of
Malacca,
.
May 2011 - joint training for Malaysian and Thai maritime enforcement
officers - http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/newsindex.php?id=585371
April 2011
http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/2011/04/29/navy-assures-sabahans-of-safe-coasts/
KOTA KINABALU: The waters surrounding Sabah are now safe and free from
piracy or terrorist attacks, according to the Royal Malaysian Navy
(TLDM) Regional Two Commander First Admiral Anuwi Hassan.
. "Although Sabah is safe from any threats, we will continue to
deploy our men to strategic locations which we believe may be used by
pirates or terrorist for their activities.
. Anuwi was speaking to the press during the 77th Navy Day
celebration that was held at the Sepanggar Naval Base here on Wednesday.
. Fishermen, especially on the east coast of the state where
Sabah shares a maritime border with the Philippines, have frequently
complained of acts of piracy and robberies at sea for several years now.
. Early last year, two businessmen operating a business on an
island were taken hostage by whom the government authorities labelled as
`bandits' but security experts said could be linked to terrorist
activities in the Southern Philippines.
. They were released at the end of last year.
. Anuwi also said the TLDM will receive six Littoral Combatant
Ships and two training ships under the 10th Malaysian Plan. He said the
vessels would be built in the country and are expected to be ready by
2013.
. "Some of the ships will be based here at the Sepanggar Naval
Based," he said, adding that more assets are needed to strengthen and
protect the country from any threats or conflicts.
Feb 2011
. USS Abraham Lincoln - Aircraft from USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN 72)
Carrier Strike Group participated in a joint aerial combat training
exercise with the Royal Malaysian Air Force, Feb 14.
. F/A-18 Hornets and Super Hornets from Carrier Air Wing (CVW)2
joined Malaysian SU-30 and FA-18D Hornets to train in multiple combat
scenarios. Events ranged from single aircraft engaging single aircraft,
all the way to complex multi-aircraft combat scenarios.
. With the Malaysian SU-30s maneuvering at speeds estimated close
to MACH 1, training was aggressive and realistic.
. "Air Combat Training gives our aviators a chance to match their
skills against the skills of some formidable foreign aviators and their
modern aircraft. An added benefit is promoting regional partnerships and
improving maritime security," said Lt. Luke Swain of CVW-2.
. The United States and Malaysia share a diverse and expanding
partnership and cooperate closely on a number of security matters,
including counterterrorism, maritime domain awareness, and regional
stability.
. The Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group is currently in the
U.S. 7th Fleet's area of responsibility as part of a routine deployment
Feb 2011 -- Malaysia will for the first time take part in the annual
Cobra Gold joint military exercise this year, in which nearly 10,000
soldiers of six countries will participate, a military source said.
. Cobra Gold 2011, the 30th of its kind, will be carried out
between Feb 7-18 in northern Thailand under the jurisdiction of the 3rd
Army Region.
. 13 soldiers from Malaysia
. Malaysia, formerly an observer, will join the exercise for the
first time as a participant in the command post exercise (CPX).
. In the last part of Cobra Gold 2011 there will be a landing
exercise under live fire at Sattahip in Chon Buri province by Thai and
US marines. The exercise is codenamed PHIBTRAEX.
.
Jan 2011 - PORT KLANG, Malaysia - USS Carl Vinson (CVN) and Carrier Air
Wing (CVW) 17 Sailors visited
--
Matt Gertken
Senior Asia Pacific analyst
US: +001.512.744.4085
Mobile: +33(0)67.793.2417
STRATFOR
www.stratfor.com
--
Matt Gertken
Senior Asia Pacific analyst
US: +001.512.744.4085
Mobile: +33(0)67.793.2417
STRATFOR
www.stratfor.com