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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## [OS] INDIA: Better Late than Never - India talks about tackling climate change

Released on 2012-08-19 09:00 GMT

Email-ID | 355524
Date | 2007-07-30 23:13:40
From | os@stratfor.com
To | analysts@stratfor.com

Better Late than Never - India talks about tackling climate change
30 July 2007
http://www.economist.com/displayStory.cfm?story_id=9567258&fsrc=RSS
PERHAPS it was the prospect of monsoon flooding of the kind that has left
800 dead on the Indian subcontinent this month. Or maybe the push came
from another of the recent dire predictions of the Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change (IPCC)-for example, that the Ganges, Brahmaputra and
Indus could become seasonal rivers by 2035. Whatever the reason, India has
decided to formulate a policy on climate change.
On July 13th Manmohan Singh, the prime minister, chaired the first meeting
of a committee picked for the task. Besides the scholarly Mr Singh, the
National Council on Climate Change includes top ministers and bureaucrats,
academics, journalists and, representing industry, Ratan Tata, chairman of
India's biggest company.
The committee's first act was to commission three of its members-including
Rajendra Pachauri, an Indian academic who also heads the IPCC-to draft the
wished-for policy. This should be approved in time for a United Nations
climate conference in Bali in December, at which negotiations towards a
successor to the Kyoto agreement on cutting carbon emissions, which
expires in 2012, are expected to begin.
None of this is likely to change India's attitude towards
emissions-cutting. It ratified Kyoto but, as a developing country, is not
obliged by the agreement to curb its emissions. It would probably not
consider being bound to any pact that said that it must.
India's argument in support of this position is twofold. As its annual
emissions are relatively modest per capita-at about 1.1 tonnes of carbon
per Indian in 2004, one-quarter of the global average-it argues that its
greenhouse-gas contributions are modest. Like China, India also argues
that it has a right to develop its economy, and so alleviate the woes of
its impoverished people, free of carbon-cutting constraints.
The first argument is nonsense. With its vast population, India was
already the fifth-biggest carbon emitter in 2004, with Russia and Japan in
its sights. The second is harder to refute. During a decade of rapid
economic growth-which is now running at around 8%-some 15% of Indians have
been withdrawn from poverty. But 22% remain poor, according to last year's
official figures.
Sobering as this is, it is not the grand let-off that India (and China)
would have it be. As the IPCC's studies have shown-and perhaps also the
current floods in China and South Asia-poor people in hot countries will
suffer from climate change most. Of course, India has less moral
responsibility to cut carbon emissions than the rich, temperate countries
of the West. But, arguably, it has more reason to do so.
Most Indians sniff at this. They suspect that the whole global discussion
on climate change is an effort by rich countries-above all, America-to
palm off the cost of their environmental crimes on the developing world.
Dr Pachauri explains: "The impression is very well entrenched that
developed countries aren't going to do anything, they're just going to
point fingers at India, China, Brazil and say: `You deal with the
problem.'"
Indeed, as a member of the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development
and Climate, India has had a particularly close look at rich countries
doing nothing. Comprising two Kyoto spoilers, America and Australia, as
well as South Korea, China and Japan, the partnership was established last
year to promote transfers of green technology among its members. A patent
fig-leaf for the refusal of America and Australia to ratify Kyoto, it has
achieved little.
Still, even if India is not about to volunteer to curb its carbon
emissions, its new policy will at least be a nudge in the right direction.
It is likely to advocate, if not impose, improved energy efficiencies-for
example, in the country's burgeoning carmaking industry. It might also
lead to a more rigorous collection of environmental data. Both things
would be useful, if not reason for India's poor farmers, increasingly
threatened by flash floods and long droughts, to cheer.
And yet the mere fact of the promised policy suggests that India's
decision-makers are slightly more willing to accept some responsibility
for managing the changing climate. That is something. As Dr Pachauri says:
"Even in the highest levels of government in India, there's a realisation
that we can't develop in the same way that Western countries have."