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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## Re: diary for comment - greece and shit - 20111101

Released on 2012-02-29 18:00 GMT

Email-ID | 4523156
Date | 2011-11-02 04:24:38
From | adriano.bosoni@stratfor.com
To | analysts@stratfor.com

A few comments in red...
On 11/1/11 9:39 PM, Kevin Stech wrote:
PS - probably will change the ending. i was in a hurry to wrap it up and
got kind of snappy there. suggestions welcome.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
From: "Kevin Stech" <kevin.stech@stratfor.com>
To: "Analyst List" <analysts@stratfor.com>
Sent: Tuesday, November 1, 2011 9:25:44 PM
Subject: diary for comment - greece and shit - 20111101
I actually kind of strayed from the discussion notes quite a bit, but I
wanted to capture all the buzz around Draghi and the ECB right now too.
Have at it.
On Nov. 1, two interconnected events cast into sharp relief the problems
and potential solutions Europe currently faces.
Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou announced late Oct. 31 that he
would be putting the question of the ongoing Greek bailout and austerity
programs to a referendum in the near future (we could say the referendum
is expected by January?), dramatically accelerating the unfolding of the
European debt crisis. The holding of a referendum is not yet a
certainty. First there will be a vote of confidence in Papandreou's
leadership. It is entirely possible that the Greek government will
collapse before even getting to the point of a referendum (as P holds a
narrow majority in Parliament and some MP of the governing party
rejected P's idea).
Additionally, until the date for and text of the referendum is
finalized, it is difficult to project how Greek voters will respond.
Polling data shows that while 73% of Greeks favor eurozone membership,
59% of Greeks oppose the bailout deal reached Oct. 27 in which a large
tranche of Greek sovereign debt is written down by half, Greek banks are
recapitalized, and Greece is sequestered from debt markets through the
remainder of the decade.
The problem for Greeks is the bailout-linked ingress by the so-called
Troika - the EC, ECB and IMF - into Greek fiscal and economic affairs
and the painful austerity program it aims to micromanage. Wildly
unpopular in the Hellenic Republic for its deflationary effect on the
economy and the perceived loss of sovereignty alike, the
bailout/austerity package faces a substantial chance of being voted down
in a referendum. And since the loss of bailout funds would certainly
lead to a default and forced exit from the Eurozone, EU leaders now have
a timeframe within which to operate and a heightened sense of urgency
driving them.
As the shock of the Greek development sunk in, former head of the Bank
of Italy Mario Draghi took over the presidency of the ECB from Trichet.
As a member of the Troika, the ECB has been instrumental in the evolving
and multifaceted European bailout process. As the apex of the European
banking system it has protected banks by extending unlimited liquidity
in the face of both subprime defaults and now sovereign default. It has
even taken the contraversial step of protecting countries directly by
purchasing public debt. And it has done all of this, under Trichet's
relatively conservative management, while keeping a lid on the money
supply.
As a point of comparison, the Troika's more public bailout mechanism,
the EFSF, has distributed a roughly comparable amount of bailout funds
to sovereigns, but only after a hard fought battle over X months (two
and a half months, it was announced by the EU on July 21 and got the
final vote in Slovakia on October 13) in the parliaments of the 27 EU
nations (it was voted by the eurozone 17 members). As the guarantees
that back the facility are increasingly encumbered by commitments, it is
anyone's guess where further guarantees or capital might come from or
how long it might take to get them. Another X month process of drumming
up sovereign guarantees would almost certainly be overtaken by events.
Europe doesn't have enough surplus cash or room to add more sovereign
debt. And reception of the EFSF's scheme to attract capital from foreign
sovereigns, notably Russia and China, has received a chilly reception
thus far.
It is therefore no surprise that Draghi enters his new post under much
scrutiny and anticipation. As a citizen of one of the much maligned
PIIGS nations there is speculation that his interests may be aligned
with the high debt states in desperate need of aid. If nothing else,
the break with Trichet's relatively staid monetary policy has invited
this brand of wishful thinking. Regardless, as Europe's debt woes swell,
the ECB has increasingly been mooted as the only failsafe left to stave
off complete dissolution of the euro, recently by French President
Nicolas Sarkozy himself.
And this brings us back to Greece. The Troika's economic controls that
have so inflamed Greece, that have moved the country significantly
closer to a full and uncontrolled default, are the very measures that
must be in place for an expanded application of the ECB's monetary
powers to the crisis. Without the ability to more directly manage the
finances of bailout recipients, full ECB assistance becomes an exercise
in "moral hazard," with states reaping benefits instead of pain for
their missteps. The ECB and its implicit backer Germany have thus far
ruled out expanded central bank aid to states, in part for this reason.
A Greek rejection of the bailout/austerity package makes expanded ECB
support both more necessary and politically unpalatable to Germany.
But as fiscal controls like expanded budgetary surveillance and
automatic debt penalties take effect for the entire EU in the coming
months, the ECB's response to the increasingly urgent crisis will only
come under increased focus. As the Troika attempts to navigate the
interplay between fiscal governance and bailout packages, a revised
strategy should begin to emerge. STRATFOR's standing forecast is that
the EU, as an intrinsically desynchronized union, will break apart. The
timing of such an event is still unclear, but Europe is about to be
presented with its first chance to validate us.
--
Adriano Bosoni - ADP