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# The Global Intelligence Files

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

## Re: [TACTICAL] US Expands clandestine military activities abroad - NYT

Released on 2012-08-24 05:00 GMT

Email-ID | 386775
Date | 2010-05-25 14:04:26
From | burton@stratfor.com
To | tactical@stratfor.com

Nothing new here
Because the NYT says it, it becomes news.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
From: Anya Alfano <anya.alfano@stratfor.com>
Date: Tue, 25 May 2010 07:55:27 -0400
To: Tactical<tactical@stratfor.com>
Subject: [TACTICAL] US Expands clandestine military activities abroad -
NYT
Just FYI
-------- Original Message --------
Subject: NYT: U.S. Expands Secret Military Acts in Mideast and Beyond
Date: Mon, 24 May 2010 20:57:01 -0500 (CDT)
From: Brian Genchur <brian.genchur@stratfor.com>
Reply-To: Analyst List <analysts@stratfor.com>
To: Analyst List <analysts@stratfor.com>
CC: os <os@stratfor.com>
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/25/world/25military.html?hp
U.S. Expands Secret Military Acts in Mideast and Beyond
By MARK MAZZETTI
WASHINGTON - The top American commander in the Middle East has ordered a
broad expansion of clandestine military activity in an effort to disrupt
militant groups or counter threats in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Somalia and
other countries in the region, according to defense officials and military
documents.
The secret directive, signed in September by Gen. David H. Petraeus,
authorizes the sending of American Special Operations troops to both
friendly and hostile nations in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Horn
of Africa to gather intelligence and build ties with local forces.
Officials said the order also permits reconnaissance that could pave the
way for possible military strikes in Iran if tensions over its nuclear
ambitions escalate.
While the Bush administration had approved some clandestine military
activities far from designated war zones, the new order is intended to
make such efforts more systematic and long term, officials said. Its goals
are to build networks that could "penetrate, disrupt, defeat or destroy"
Al Qaeda and other militant groups, as well as to "prepare the
environment" for future attacks by American or local military forces, the
document said. The order, however, does not appear to authorize offensive
strikes in any specific countries.
In broadening its secret activities, the United States military has also
sought in recent years to break its dependence on the Central Intelligence
Agency and other spy agencies for information in countries without a
significant American troop presence.
General Petraeus's order is meant for use of small teams of American
troops to fill intelligence gaps about terror organizations and other
threats in the Middle East and beyond, especially emerging groups plotting
attacks against the United States.
But some Pentagon officials worry that the expanded role carries risks.
The authorized activities could strain relationships with friendly
governments like Saudi Arabia or Yemen, or incite the anger of hostile
nations like Iran and Syria. Many in the military are also concerned that
as American troops assume roles far from traditional combat, they would be
at risk of being treated as spies if captured and denied the Geneva
Convention protections afforded military detainees.
The precise operations that the directive authorizes are unclear, and what
the military has done to follow through on the order is uncertain. The
document, a copy of which was viewed by The New York Times, provides few
details about continuing missions or intelligence-gathering operations.
Several government officials who described the impetus for the order would
speak only on condition of anonymity because the document is classified.
Spokesmen for the White House and the Pentagon declined to comment for
this article. The Times, responding to concerns about troop safety raised
by an official at United States Central Command, the military headquarters
run by General Petraeus, withheld some details about how troops could be
deployed in certain countries.
The seven-page directive appears to authorize specific operations in Iran,
most likely to gather intelligence about the country's nuclear program or
identify dissident groups that might be useful for a future military
offensive. The Obama administration insists that for the moment, it is
committed to penalizing Iran for its nuclear activities only with
diplomatic and economic sanctions. Nevertheless, the Pentagon has to draw
up detailed war plans to be prepared in advance, in the event that
President Obama ever authorizes a strike.
"The Defense Department can't be caught flat-footed," said one Pentagon
official with knowledge of General Petraeus's order.
The directive, the Joint Unconventional Warfare Task Force Execute Order,
signed Sept. 30, may also have helped lay a foundation for the surge of
American military activity in Yemen that began three months later.
Special Operations troops began working with Yemen's military to try to
dismantle Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, an affiliate of Osama bin
Laden's terror network based in Yemen. The Pentagon has also carried out
missile strikes from Navy ships into suspected militant hideouts and plans
to spend more than $155 million equipping Yemeni troops with armored
vehicles, helicopters and small arms.
Officials said that many top commanders, General Petraeus among them, have
advocated an expansive interpretation of the military's role around the
world, arguing that troops need to operate beyond Iraq and Afghanistan to
better fight militant groups.
The order, which an official said was drafted in close coordination with
Adm. Eric T. Olson, the officer in charge of the United States Special
Operations Command, calls for clandestine activities that "cannot or will
not be accomplished" by conventional military operations or "interagency
activities," a reference to American spy agencies.
While the C.I.A. and the Pentagon have often been at odds over expansion
of clandestine military activity, most recently over intelligence
gathering by Pentagon contractors in Pakistan and Afghanistan, there does
not appear to have been a significant dispute over the September order.
A spokesman for the C.I.A. declined to confirm the existence of General
Petraeus's order, but said that the spy agency and the Pentagon had a
"close relationship" and generally coordinate operations in the field.
"There's more than enough work to go around," said the spokesman, Paul
Gimigliano. "The real key is coordination. That typically works well, and
if problems arise, they get settled."
During the Bush administration, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld
endorsed clandestine military operations, arguing that Special Operations
troops could be as effective as traditional spies, if not more so.
Unlike covert actions undertaken by the C.I.A., such clandestine activity
does not require the president's approval or regular reports to Congress,
although Pentagon officials have said that any significant ventures are
cleared through the National Security Council. Special Operations troops
have already been sent into a small number of countries to carry out
limited surveillance and reconnaissance missions, including operations to
gather intelligence about airstrips, bridges and beaches that might be
needed for an offensive.
Some of Mr. Rumsfeld's initiatives were controversial, and met with
resistance by some at the State Department and C.I.A. who saw the troops
as a backdoor attempt by the Pentagon to assert influence outside of war
zones. In 2004, one of the first groups sent overseas was pulled out of
Paraguay after killing a pistol-waving robber who had attacked them as
they stepped out of a taxi.
A Pentagon order that year gave the military authority for offensive
strikes in more than a dozen countries, and Special Operations troops
carried them out in Syria, Pakistan and Somalia.
In contrast, General Petraeus's September order is focused on intelligence
gathering - by American troops, foreign businesspeople, academics or
others - to identify militants and provide "persistent situational
awareness," while forging ties to local indigenous groups.
Thom Shanker and Eric Schmitt contributed reporting.
Brian Genchur
Multimedia
STRATFOR