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### Viewing cable 03KUWAIT2102, POLICING AND SECURITY IN SOUTHERN IRAQ

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
03KUWAIT2102 | 2003-05-19 07:42 | 2011-08-24 16:30 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Kuwait

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 05 KUWAIT 002102

    SIPDIS

    STATE ALSO PASS USAID/W
    STATE PLEASE REPEAT TO IO COLLECTIVE
    STATE FOR PRM/ANE, EUR/SE, NEA/NGA, IO AND SA/PAB
    NSC FOR EABRAMS, SMCCORMICK, STAHIR-KHELI, JDWORKEN
    USAID FOR USAID/A, DCHA/AA, DCHA/RMT, DCHA/FFP
    USAID FOR DCHA/OTI, DCHA/DG, ANE/AA
    USAID FOR DCHA/OFDA:WGARVELINK, BMCCONNELL, KFARNSWORTH
    USAID FOR ANE/AA:WCHAMBERLIN
    ROME FOR FODAG
    GENEVA FOR RMA AND NKYLOH
    DOHA FOR MSHIRLEY
    ANKARA FOR AMB WRPEARSON, ECON AJSIROTIC AND DART
    AMMAN FOR USAID AND DART

    E.O. 12958:  N/A
    TAGS: EAID PREF IZ WFP
    SUBJECT: POLICING AND SECURITY IN SOUTHERN IRAQ

    -------
    SUMMARY
    -------

    ¶1.  The primary concern for Iraqis throughout the southern
    region continues to be security.  The security situation is
    improving gradually due to the efforts of Coalition forces
    to establish new Iraqi police forces, but much work remains.
    The lack of adequate resources or clear guidelines for local
    units managing policing initiatives has led to great
    inconsistency in the structures and activities in each city
    or town.  In An Nasiriyah former police officers within
    Coalition units are recruiting a local police force drawn
    mostly from former police and limited in size by the ability
    of Coalition patrols to monitor the activities of local
    police.  In Basrah, Coalition military police (MP) are
    conducting joint patrols with unarmed local recruits that
    have little to no police training.  In Al Amarah, Coalition
    MPs are using a similar model as in Basrah with additional
    security provided by two local Marsh Arab militias. In other
    towns, local leaders have declined offers of assistance from
    Coalition forces and are self-policing.  The success of
    local policing initiatives is dependent on the development
    of an adequate legal system to provide the rules under which
    police may function.  If civil unrest is to be avoided,
    these stopgap measures must be followed quickly by more
    systematic management of local security and justice issues
    that builds on local initiatives already in place.  End
    Summary.

    ------------------------
    POLICING IN AN NASIRIYAH
    ------------------------

    ¶2.  The original police force in An Nasiriyah (including
    traffic police) was close to 3,000 people.  Through
    conversations with re-recruited police, Coalition forces
    have concluded that policing was a default profession for
    many men who could not find other jobs.  As of 2 May, the
    new police force was comprised of approximately 300 men who
    were registered and accepted by the Coalition in conjunction
    with the town council to serve as policemen.  They were
    still unarmed, but Coalition forces had plans to arm the
    police once they felt more comfortable with the recruits
    they had selected.  Many more men wanted to register but
    Coalition forces did not have the capacity to monitor a
    larger group.  The Coalition was slowly trying to vet the
    new recruits through interviews and other checks against
    intelligence information.  Several former policemen serving
    with the Coalition forces controlling the town volunteered
    to help with the recruitment and training of this police
    force.  Though policing was not their primary
    responsibility, these former police stepped in as the
    driving force behind the reactivation of local policing in
    An Nasiriyah.

    ¶3.  One Coalition officer reported that his troops
    conducting patrols in the town were spread very thin.  He
    said that his one battalion was covering an area that would
    normally be controlled by three battalions.  The four
    companies within his battalion were each assigned a section
    of the town to patrol every two hours.  House to house
    searches for weapons were completed and many weapons were
    confiscated and destroyed.  However, many private citizens
    still have guns.

    ¶4.  While Coalition patrols had not been fired upon in the
    last weeks of April, they reported continued shooting among
    the local population.  The shooting appeared to be isolated,
    and Coalition forces attributed it to low-level crime or
    "score-settling" between individuals or families.  Citizens
    reported incidents to Coalition forces either on patrol or
    at the police station.  For example, on 1 May, a woman came
    to the police station and reported that four days prior,
    seven men entered her home at night and shot her husband and
    son.  Both men had returned from hospital and were
    recovering from their bullet wounds.  She gave Coalition
    forces a list of individuals she thought were responsible,
    and it included two of the newly recruited police.
    Coalition forces are investigating this particular incident,
    but this illustrates the problem of recourse for victims
    against police or other authority figures once the Coalition
    forces pull out.

    ¶5.  The scope of the violence remains limited in An
    Nasiriyah to individual incidents and has not become
    widespread between larger groups within the town.  However,
    the number of incident reports received from the population
    and the general level of fear in the town increased over the
    three days prior to the DART visit on 2 May.  This increase
    corresponded to the release of approximately 100 enemy
    prisoners of war (EPWs) into An Nasiriyah each day over the
    previous three days.  Though unable to confirm whether the
    release of EPWs back into the town was the cause of the
    increased fear among the population, Coalition forces are
    concerned that some of the newly released EPWs were trying
    to reinsert themselves in the town through fear.  While the
    population continues to be reassured by their presence,
    Coalition forces are concerned about a security vacuum when
    they leave in a few months.

    ¶6.  Local leaders in the smaller towns around An Nasiriyah
    have told Coalition forces that they want to police
    themselves.  When offered assistance in policing, local
    leaders have refused the assistance and said they prefer to
    handle community security on their own.  These small towns
    are reportedly "taking care of" the local Fedayeen
    themselves as well.

    ------------------
    POLICING IN BASRAH
    ------------------

    ¶7.  There were 6,000 police officers in Basrah before the
    conflict.   After the serious and widespread looting
    throughout Basrah toward the end of April, the Coalition
    military police (MPs) began an initiative to recruit and
    train a new local police force.  They have compiled a
    database of over 2,000 names of applicants.  The Coalition
    is validating individuals through a system of intelligence
    checks and interviews with the applicants and others in the
    town.  They are beginning to further organize the force into
    units with approximately 700 regular police participating in
    joint patrols with the Coalition MPs and troops as on-the-
    job training.  On 10 May, 460 traffic police joined a 500-
    person "guard" force to protect important stationary
    infrastructure.  In addition to the police force, the
    Coalition MPs have begun a licensing process for private
    security guards.  There are now four police stations open in
    Basrah city and three others in surrounding areas.

    ¶8.  Applicants to the police force are a mixture of former
    police and new recruits.  While the majority are former
    police, the higher-level officers in the former force have
    disappeared and the returning recruits are from the lower
    levels and often had jobs not directly related to policing.
    The Coalition MP providing the description of the training
    initiative to the DART said the former police force had many
    drivers, administrators, and cleaners, but very few
    employees actually involved in proper police responses and
    investigations.  Therefore, most of the recruits, whether
    new recruits or former police, need basic police training.
    Recruits are participating in joint patrols with the
    Coalition troops and MPs for on-the-job training but the
    Coalition is still controlling and monitoring all activities
    closely.  The MPs also have put together mobile training
    teams that visit the various stations and train
    approximately 20 people at a time in basic rules of
    evidence, use of force, etc.  They also have plans for a
    police academy that can train and professionalize the new
    police force more formally, but they have not yet identified
    funding for this initiative.

    ¶9.  The primary challenge to the training of new police is
    the lack of a basic legal system to regulate the police
    procedures.  The lack of a legal system with judges and due
    process in place also presents challenges to the ability of
    the Coalition forces and local police to detain or process
    criminals.  For now, low-level criminals such as petty
    looters are arrested, warned and released.  If they find
    repeat offenders, they keep them longer but still have no
    means to process these individuals.  Coalition forces are
    detaining perpetrators of 13 types of serious crime such as
    rape or murder, and sending them down to the EPW camp in Umm
    Qasr because there is nowhere locally to detain them.
    Reportedly, about 150 such detentions have taken place under
    Coalition authority.

    ---------------------
    POLICING IN AL AMARAH
    ---------------------
    ¶10.  The policing efforts in Al Amarah are following the
    same model as in Basrah with one interesting difference.
    Residents of Al Amarah are very proud to refer to themselves
    as "self-liberated" since they expelled most of the Baath
    Party before the arrival of any Coalition forces.  The chief
    of police, a former Baath Party member, changed sides to
    join those opposing the regime just a few days before this
    self-liberation took place.  He is still the chief of
    police, and most of the existing local police force stayed
    in place wearing the same uniforms as before the conflict
    began.  Two powerful Marsh Arab leaders from the 1991
    uprising also have re-emerged with their own local militias,
    which participated in this "self-liberation" and are now are
    helping to patrol and secure the town.  Local leaders,
    including the militias, have accepted Coalition oversight,
    and Coalition forces have told them that there is no place
    in Iraq for militias in the future.  For now though, these
    armed militias that wear civilian clothes are helping with
    security by manning checkpoints and providing an expanded
    security coverage in the town.  As a result, Al Amarah has
    had fewer problems with security and crime than other
    places.  Looting and damage to government buildings was
    limited to about two days before coalition forces arrived.

    ¶11.  There may be troubling long-term implications, however,
    of relying on a militia to supplement the joint patrols by
    Coalition troops and civilian police.  It may be difficult
    to get the militias to give up power.  In Al Amarah a new
    local judicial structure is well on the way to establishment
    by local lawyers that have elected new judges.  They have
    issued proclamations on their desires for a new justice
    system in that Governorate.  If supported and strengthened,
    this local initiative appears to have the potential to
    create checks on power consolidation in the town.  The
    judges and lawyers are awaiting authorization and legitimacy
    to be granted for their proposed system from the Office of
    Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance (ORHA) in
    Baghdad.  Details on this emerging legal structure will be
    reported via septel.

    --------------------------------------------- ----------
    PAYMENT OF POLICE AND OTHER CIVIL SERVANTS IN THE SOUTH
    --------------------------------------------- ----------

    ¶12.  Another critical need related to the new local police
    forces is the payment of salaries.  Along with all civil
    servants, new police are eager to receive their salaries.
    Due to the delay in getting a national scheme for the
    payment of civil servants in place, Coalition forces are
    trying to solve the problem.  In An Nasiriyah, the new town
    council identified state money in a local bank that they
    authorized the Coalition to use to pay salaries of
    approximately 50,000 civil servants in the governorate.
    They were using a pay scale of USD 10 equivalent for
    unskilled labor, USD 15 for skilled labor, and a maximum of
    USD 22 for managerial positions.  The exchange rate used was
    1400 Iraqi dinar per dollar.  The police were the first of
    the civil servants to be paid in early May.  Coalition
    forces estimated they had enough Iraqi dinars to pay two
    months' worth of salaries for all the civil servants in the
    Governorate.  They turned money over to the heads of
    individual departments for dispersement to their staff.
    Similarly Coalition forces have identified local cash
    reserves in banks and used them to pay initial salaries to
    police in Basrah.

    ----------
    CONCLUSION
    ----------

    ¶13.  Important issues related to providing needed security
    in Iraq including policing, paying civil servant salaries,
    protecting sensitive documents and physical evidence,
    developing local judicial structures, and rebuilding social
    infrastructure are being addressed through the creative
    efforts of local units of the Coalition, non-governmental
    organizations (NGOs), and emerging local Iraqi leadership.
    While these initiatives are addressing the most pressing
    needs for now, none are adequate or sustainable over the
    medium- to long-term without support.  The legal parameters
    developing in the broader system in Baghdad should be
    communicated to the military units and local leaders in the
    various Governorates working on policing and local justice.
    Such guidance should encourage these emerging local
    initiatives in the right direction toward a locally driven,
    yet consistent system of security and justice for the new
    Iraq.

    JONES

`