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### Viewing cable 05PORTAUPRINCE1487, HAITIAN PRIVATE SECTOR PANICKED BY INCREASING

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
05PORTAUPRINCE1487 | 2005-05-27 19:47 | 2011-07-14 18:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Port Au Prince
Appears in these articles: http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume4-52/La%20nomination%20de%20Gousse.asp http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume4-52/Bernard%20Gousse.asp

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 PORT AU PRINCE 001487

    SIPDIS

    WHA/EX PLEASE PASS USOAS
    SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD
    DEPT FOR DS/IP/WHA
    DS/DSS/ITA
    DSERCC

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/25/2014
    TAGS: PGOV PREL ASEC ECON EWWT
    SUBJECT: HAITIAN PRIVATE SECTOR PANICKED BY INCREASING
    VIOLENCE

    REF: A. PAP 1373
         ¶B. PAP 1027

    Classified By: Ambassador James B. Foley, reasons 1.4 (B) and (D)

    ¶1. (C) Summary: Fritz Mevs, a member of one of Haiti's
    richest families and a well-connected member of the private
    sector elite, told Poloff on May 13 that business leaders are
    exasperated by the lack of security in the vital port and
    industrial zone areas of Port-au-Prince and are allegedly
    arming local police with long-guns and ammunition in an
    effort to ensure security for their businesses and employees.
    Kidnappings and carjackings are frightening Haiti's small but
    critical cadre of mid-level employees who work in the
    industrial park and port, and workers have threatened to
    strike unless the security situation improves, Mevs said.
    (Note: This area is either off-limits or LAV-travel only for
    the embassy.  End Note.)  Mevs said that the recent killing
    of gang leader Labaniere is part of the problem, as he used
    to keep rival gangs out of the area.  Mevs also said private
    sector protests against the IGOH for the lack of security
    were misguided and called for a media campaign to mobilize
    opposition against what he described as the true scourge of
    Haiti: a cabal of drug-traffickers, Haitian elite and IGOH
    insiders conspiring with gangs and corrupt cops to undermine
    peace and democracy in the country. In response to embassy
    and private sector prodding, MINUSTAH is now formulating a
    plan to protect the area.  End summary.

    Background
    ----------

    ¶2. (C) Fritz Mevs is a prominent member of one of Haiti's
    richest families. He leads a group of local investors who own
    and operate in Port-au-Prince the Terminal of Varreux (the
    private terminal that handles 30% of Haiti's imports), the
    petroleum storage of WINECO (which encompasses Haiti's
    largest propane gas storage center) and the SHODECOSA
    Warehouse Complex (where, among other things, 90% of the
    humanitarian cargo donated to Haiti is stored). The Mevs
    family has always enjoyed financial control of important
    Haitian economic assets and has shown an ability to roll with
    (and have influence upon) any government that allows them to
    exploit those assets.

    Port Area Suffering from Insecurity
    -----------------------------------

    ¶3. (C) Mevs told Poloff on May 13 that the security situation
    in and around the port and industrial zone area was
    untenable. The district is surrounded by the gang havens of
    Bel Air, La Saline and Cite Soleil, and kidnappers and
    carjackers target traffic along the vital transport link
    (Route Nationale #1) between the port and the Industrial
    Park. Mevs said the crime threat has already forced several
    businesses to close (including the Embassy's GSO operations),
    while employees of others are threatening to strike unless
    the security situation improves. Among those Mevs cited as
    caught in the midst of the "urban warfare" are: CEMEX, TOTAL,
    DINHASA, TEXACO, MADSEN Import-Export, SOGENER, and others.
    Mevs said absenteeism among employees is at an all-time high
    and the flow of essential commodities (oil, gasoline, cement,
    rice, steel, etc.) transiting through the facility is
    adversely affected. Continued disruption, he said, will soon
    result in shortages, inflation, and potentially a collapse in
    support for the transition government.  (Note:  The Director
    General of the National Port Authority has separately
    confirmed Mevs account of the situation outside of the port.
    While security inside the port is acceptable, just outside of
    the gates criminals operate freely.  Gunfire is common and
    workers fear for their lives going to and from work every
    day.  He said MINUSTAH, while present, does not provide any
    real security for employees going into or out of the port.
    End Note.)

    ¶4. (C) Mevs showed Poloff a pile of letters sent from the
    Terminal authority and several of its members to MINUSTAH
    SRSG Valdes, Prime Minister Latortue, HNP Director General
    Leon Charles, and Minister of Justice Gousse over the last
    two months. The letters describe a lengthy list of incidents
    and vulnerabilities - including pipeline sabotage, criminal
    fires, shots fired at offloading vessels, kidnappings and
    murders - and solicit additional, permanent security, often
    in quite desperate language ("we may not hold on for long").
    The Terminal's large army of security staff are outgunned by
    the heavy weapons fired by the bandits, the letters say, and
    must stand helplessly at the gate, unable to intervene when
    those entering or exiting are hijacked, robbed, shot and at
    times, killed, outside the jurisdiction of the Terminal
    fences. According to Mevs, although MINUSTAH has on occasion
    parked armored vehicles near the Terminal with some success,
    he said criminals regularly force the tanks to move (by
    burning tires or fecal matter nearby), and as soon as the
    vehicles depart, the rampage continues.

    ¶5. (C) Other embassy contacts confirm Mevs' description of
    the deteriorated security situation in the port area. A
    political advisor to the Mayor of Cite Soleil told PolOff on
    May 17 that MINUSTAH was proving to be a poor substitute for
    Labaniere, the gang leader from the Boston neighborhood of
    Cite Soleil closest to the industrial zone who was killed on
    March 30, allegedly in a plot directed by rival pro-Lavalas
    gang leader Dread Wilme. The advisor said that Labaniere (who
    reportedly received money from businesses in the district for
    protection) managed to defend the commercial zone in a way
    that periodic MINUSTAH checkpoints have not. He said bandits
    were undaunted by UN vehicles sometimes parked along Route
    Nationale #1 and that MINUSTAH troops (who, he said, rarely
    set foot outside of their vehicles) were unable to identify
    the bandits from amongst the general populace as Labaniere
    had done.

    ¶6. (C) Meanwhile, a MINUSTAH official told PolOff on May 18
    that the Cite Soleil operation begun on March 31 was indeed
    weakening due to Brazilian and Jordanian troop rotations that
    could last 4-8 weeks. Permanent checkpoints along Route
    Nationale and other areas surrounding Cite Soleil have been
    replaced by rotating outposts concentrated primarily north of
    the commercial district, leaving much of the area described
    by Mevs unprotected. Another MINUSTAH commander confirmed on
    May 20 that UN troops were drawing down, to be replaced by a
    joint HNP-CIVPOL strategy that would effectively block a
    critical section of the highway to all vehicular traffic
    (septel).

    Embassy Port-au-Prince's Response
    ---------------------------------

    ¶7. (C) Charge met with UNSRSG Valdes on May 14 to encourage
    him to dramatically increase MINUSTAH's security presence in
    the area.  Valdes seemed genuinely surprised that the
    situation was so acute.  Following the meeting Charge
    encouraged the French ambassador to reiterate our message
    with Valdes.  In response Valdes instructed MINUSTAH military
    and CIVPOL leaders to develop a plan in coordination with the
    private sector, who rejected an initial proposal as
    unworkable.  On May 19 Ambassador Foley wrote to Ambassador
    Valdes to protest three examples of MINUSTAH passivity in
    response to violence against American citizens.  Ambassador
    Foley again underscored the need for a swift, aggressive
    response to criminal elements in a conversation with Valdes
    on May 20.  Valdes thanked the Ambassador for the concrete
    examples described in the Ambassador's letter.  He said that
    he had often heard reports but never had details with which
    he could confront MINUSTAH military and police leaders.
    Valdes promised a more robust response from MINUSTAH.
    Separately, a MINUSTAH military officer reported to the Core
    Group on May 20 that they were preparing to present another
    strategy to business representatives on May 21.  Ambassador
    Foley warned the Core Group that MINUSTAH's stand-down in
    Cite Soleil put the elections at risk, and that the
    insecurity around the industrial zone risked undermining what
    is left of the Haitian economy.

    Private Sector Arming the Police
    --------------------------------

    ¶8. (C) In response to MINUSTAH's unresponsiveness, Mevs said,
    a group of merchants from the Terminal conducted an
    unofficial survey of the HNP's weapons inventory and
    requirements. The report (on official HNP letterhead
    indicating some form of HNP cooperation in the effort)
    suggests, for example, that the Port-au-Prince station has
    (2) M-14s, (2) T-65s, and (2) M-1s, and needed (6) M-14s, (8)
    T-65s, and (4) Galils. (Note: Embassy has not independently
    confirmed any of the numbers from the report. End note). The
    undated report shows the HNP has the following country-wide
    inventory:
    -- (65) 12-guage rifles
    -- (11) M-14
    -- (15) T-65
    -- (15) M-1
    -- 82 functioning vehicles
    -- 179 radios

    and the following needs:

    -- (200) T-65
    -- (127) galils
    -- (120) M-14
    -- (43) M-1
    -- (73) 12-guage rifles
    -- 160 vehicles
    -- 249 radios

    ¶9. (C) Mevs said some business owners have already begun to
    purchase weapons and ammunition from the street and
    distribute them to local police officials in exchange for
    regular patrols. Mevs claimed, for example, that Reginald
    Boulos, President of the Haitian Chamber of Commerce, had
    already distributed arms to the police and had called on
    others to do so in order to provide cover to his own actions.
    Mevs says that of the roughly 150 business owners in the
    area, probably 30 have already provided some kind of direct
    assistance (including arms, ammunition, or other materiel) to
    the police, and the rest are looking to do so soon. Contacts
    of the Econ Counselor report from time to time of discussions
    among private sector leaders to fund and arm their own
    private sector armies.  The AmCham Board of Directors at one
    point discussed informally giving non-lethal assistance to
    police stations, such as furniture and microwave ovens for
    police stations, but decided against doing so for fear that
    anything given to the police would quickly be stolen.

    ¶10. (C) Mevs defended the idea of the private sector arming
    the police in general, but he lamented the haphazard manner
    in which many of his colleagues seemed to be handing out
    weapons with little control. He said they were "wasting their
    money" by giving arms to police without knowing if they were
    "dirty or clean" and with no measures in place to make sure
    the arms were not simply re-sold. He also complained that
    funneling the arms secretly would only serve to reinforce
    rumors that the elite were creating private armies. Mevs said
    he was approaching the Embassy in order to find a way for
    these private sector initiatives to be incorporated into
    established inventory and control systems within the HNP. He
    described his conception of a program in which the private
    sector could purchase guns and ammunition on the open market
    and turn the equipment over to the HNP in exchange for a
    receipt and a guarantee that a certain number of
    appropriately-armed HNP would be assigned to a requested
    area. He said, however, that he did not trust either MINUSTAH
    or the HNP to properly control the issuance of weapons and
    hoped that the U.S. would oversee the program.

    Haiti's "new enemy"
    -------------------

    ¶11. (C) In response to the May 11 protest (supported by some
    private sector leaders such as Charles Baker) to demand that
    the IGOH address the security situation, Mevs said their
    target was wrong. He said protesters should mobilize against
    Haiti's real enemy and the true source of insecurity: a small
    nexus of drug-dealers and political insiders that control a
    network of dirty cops and gangs that not only were
    responsible for committing the kidnappings and murders, but
    were also frustrating the efforts of well-meaning government
    officials and the international community to confront them.
    He asserted, for example, that some incidents were engineered
    specifically to frustrate efforts by the IGOH to secure a
    weapons export license waiver from the Department of State.
    Mevs claimed that Colombian drug-traffickers (and allegedly
    the brother of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez) had allied
    with a small cabal of powerful and connected individuals,
    including Youri Latortue, Gary Lissade, lawyer Andre Pasquet,
    Michel Brunache (Chief of Staff to President Alexandre), Jean
    Mosanto Petit (aka Toto Borlette, owner of the unofficial
    Haitian lottery and large swaths of Port-au-Prince property),
    and Dany Toussaint, to create a criminal enterprise that
    thrives on - and generates - instability.   (Note: We have no
    corroborating information linking Brunache to
    drug-trafficking.  He, along with Latortue, Pasquet, and
    Justice Minister Gousse. all worked in Gary Lissade's law
    firm.)

    ¶12. (C) Mevs suggested that some recent kidnappings
    (including that of Dr. Michel Theard - ref B) were actually
    targeted crimes meant to send a message to the people within
    the IGOH that the network was calling the shots. (Comment:
    This obviously contradicts his claim that IGOH insiders are
    involved.  End Comment.)  Mevs claimed that Dr. Theard had
    been passed between several supposedly independent gangs,
    thereby illustrating how the gangs were actually joined
    together by a "central node." It was against this network,
    Mevs argued, that well-meaning Haitians should direct their
    ire, and he called for a mass popular mobilization against
    this unnamed (but apparently obvious) cabal: the "new common
    enemy following the departure of President Aristide."

    Comment
    -------

    ¶13. (C) Fritz Mevs undoubtedly has a strong personal interest
    in convincing us that the port district is in danger and he
    is no doubt biased against those individuals he names who
    work against his interests. Mevs himself is a core member of
    what might easily be described as a rival network of
    influence competing for control of Haiti against the cast of
    characters he has described. Furthermore, it is impossible to
    imagine that Mevs has managed to protect his interests over
    the years without making some accommodation with potentially
    hostile government principals and the associated gang leaders
    at his doorstep (indeed his silence on Aristide's continuing
    role in the violence is curious). While we cannot confirm
    whether the alleged cabal of political insiders allied with
    South American narco-traffickers is controlling the gangs, we
    have seen indications of alliances between drug dealers,
    criminal gangs and political forces that could threaten to
    make just such a scenario possible via the election of
    narco-funded politicians, unless we are able to severely
    disrupt the flow of drugs into and out of Haiti.  One thing
    is clear: it is vital that our plan to equip the HNP through
    strict controls go forward immediately.  In the meantime, we
    will deliver strong messages to Charles and the IGOH (and our
    private sector contacts) against private delivery of arms to
    the HNP.  End Comment.

    FOLEY

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