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### Viewing cable 05BRASILIA715, BRAZIL: AMBASSADOR'S 14 MARCH MEETING WITH FM

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
05BRASILIA715 | 2005-03-15 18:24 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | SECRET | Embassy Brasilia

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 BRASILIA 000715

    SIPDIS

    STATE PLEASE PASS TO USTR

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/14/2015
    TAGS: PREL BR ETRD MARR FTAA US
    SUBJECT: BRAZIL: AMBASSADOR'S 14 MARCH MEETING WITH FM
    AMORIM

    REF: A. (A) DANILOVICH-NORIEGA TELCON 14 MARCH 05
         ¶B. (B) DEPARTMENT WHA/BSC -- EMBASSY E-MAILS 14
            MARCH 05
         ¶C. (C) STATE 43965
         ¶D. (D) BRASILIA 574
         ¶E. (E) BRASILIA 660

    Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOHN J. DANILOVICH. REASONS: 1.4
    (B)(D).

    ¶1. (C) Introduction.  Ambassador was called for a one-on-one
    meeting with Foreign Minister Amorim on the afternoon of 14
    March.  Amorim focused initially on reiterating his strong
    interest in meeting soon with Secretary Rice, in spite of
    unsuccessful efforts to schedule a Washington meeting in late
    March or mid April. (Amorim said he may cancel his April trip
    to Washington in light of the Secretary's unavailability on
    18-19 April, when Amorim had considered combining a call on
    her with participation at a World Bank meeting on Haiti.)
    Amorim said that he and President Lula da Silva believe it
    would be important and highly positive for bilateral
    relations if the Secretary could visit Brazil soon, and he
    expressed the hope that she could stop here en route to or
    from the Community of Democracies summit in Chile in late
    April.  Amorim then noted Ambassador's recent meetings with
    Deputy Foreign Minister Guimaraes (ref E) and Amorim's chief
    of Staff Patriota (ref D), and reviewed key issues from those
    discussions with Ambassador (per below).  End introduction

    VENEZUELA

    ¶2. (S) Ambassador outlined points (refs A-C) on the USG's
    growing concern about Chavez's rhetoric and actions, and
    stressed that the USG increasingly sees Chavez as a threat to
    the region.  Per refs, he asked that FM Amorim consider
    institutionalizing a more intensive political engagement
    between the USG and GOB on Chavez, and standing up a
    dedicated intelligence-sharing arrangement.  FM Amorim was
    clear in his response:  "We do not see Chavez as a threat."
    Amorim said that Chavez has been democratically elected (in a
    general election that was reaffirmed by a referendum), enjoys
    substantial domestic support, is a popular figure on the
    international left and is leader of a major power on the
    continent.  For those reasons, "we have to work with him and
    do not want to do anything that would jeopardize our
    relationship with him," Amorim affirmed.

    ¶3. (S) Amorim said the GOB would welcome intensifying its
    political dialogue with the U.S. on Chavez, but has no
    interest in intelligence sharing (although Amorim allowed
    that the GOB would be willing to look at any intelligence we
    wished to provide unilaterally).  Describing Brazil's
    relationship with Venezuela as "sensitive," Amorim said the
    GOB needed to take care not to take steps (e.g., intelligence
    activity with the USG) that could undermine its credibility
    with Chavez and undercut the GOB's ability to influence him
    in a more positive direction.  Amorim said that he did not
    want to exaggerate the importance of Brazil's role in curbing
    Chavez's more extreme behaviors, but in example Amorim noted
    Brazil's work with the Friends Group (where he said Brazil
    weathered criticism from various sides to produce a balanced
    outcome), Lula's recent suggestion to Chavez in a meeting in
    Uruguay that he tone down his rhetoric, and also told a story
    of how Lula had personally persuaded Chavez not to go
    swimming at a Chilean beach where Chavez intended to proclaim
    to gathered press that he was bathing in a spot which should
    be Bolivia's coastline on the Pacific.  Amorim also noted
    that the meeting between Presidents Lula, Chavez, Uribe and
    Zapatero scheduled for 29 March may occur in the Brazilian
    Amazon frontier town of Santa Helena for a discussion of
    economic integration (Note:  This does not track with
    information from Lula's foreign affairs staff, who recently
    told PolCouns that the meeting would focus on
    counternarcotics and border security issues.  End note.)

    BOLIVIA

    ¶4. (S) Segueing into a discussion of Bolivia, Amorim said
    that Lula had been in direct contact with opposition leader
    Evo Morales in recent days.  Lula and the GOB are trying to
    persuade Morales that he needs to act in a democratic
    fashion, Amorim said, noting that, as with Chavez, it must be
    understood that Morales has "political legitimacy," with
    popular support among a significant percentage of Bolivia's
    population.  The USG, Brazil and others need to "take a
    steady and balanced approach" in supporting democracy in
    Bolivia in the next crucial weeks, Amorim added.
    The economic exposure of Brazilian companies in Bolivia,
    along with the threat posed to regional stability by unrest
    there, make developments in Bolivia of vital interest to
    Brazil, Amorim said.

    HAITI

    ¶5. (SBU) Affirming the USG's support and gratitude for
    Brazil's leadership in the Haiti mission, Ambassador provided
    ref A invitation for Brazil to meet with the U.S. and Canada
    at the assistant secretary level, along with UN senior
    representative Valdes in Port-au-Prince in coming weeks to
    discuss cooperation in assistance projects and enhancing
    political dialogue.  Amorim immediately agreed, and said he
    would designate a representative asap (Note: On the margins
    of the meeting with Amorim PolCouns spoke briefly with
    Ambassador Eduardo Felicio, the ministry's lead officer on
    political issues in the Haiti mission.  Felicio indicated
    that either he or a senior GOB development official would
    likely represent Brazil at the proposed meeting. End note.)
    Amorim took the opportunity to affirm to Ambassador in strong
    terms that the GOB "has no intention of downgrading its
    commitment to Haiti; on the contrary, we plan to bolster our
    presence."

    SOUTH AMERICA-ARAB SUMMIT

    ¶6. (C) Amorim told Ambassador that the GOB intended to do all
    it could to produce a balanced summit statement that would
    use language of existing UNSC resolutions for any passages
    dealing with political issues.  Amorim also noted that in his
    meetings with Syria's foreign minister and President Assad in
    Damascus, Amorim had urged Syrian compliance with UNSCR 1559
    (even though Brazil abstained on that vote).  Amorim claimed
    that, even before Syria publicly announced its pull-back in
    Lebanon, Assad had told Amorim in their meeting that he
    intended to withdraw Syrian forces from Lebanon, although
    Amorim said he did not claim to take credit for Assad's
    decision. Ambassador chided Amorim for Brazil's abstention on
    1559 and post facto commitment to Lebanese democracy, at
    which Amorim smiled.  Amorim reiterated that his recent
    Middle East trip had been focused on providing invitations to
    Arab participants in the summit, that he had no intention of
    slighting Israel and would be visiting Israel in June.

    FTAA

    ¶7. (SBU) Ambassador expressed disappointment that Brazil had
    canceled a March meeting of the FTAA co-chairs, but Amorim
    emphasized that the GOB had sought only a postponement to
    early April, so that Amorim would have the opportunity to
    consult with Brazil's negotiator Bahadian and also with
    Mercosul partners in advance of the co-chairs meeting.  He
    reiterated that Brazil "wants to remain within the Miami
    framework," even though Brazil sees some recent USG actions
    as inconsistent with that goal (e.g., the U.S. approach to
    IPR and possible cross retaliation).  Musing that Brazil is
    "happy enough to say that the negotiations are under an FTAA
    umbrella," Amorim opined that what is actually happening now
    is a Mercosul -U.S. bilateral trade negotiation, since the
    U.S. "has already executed bilateral agreements with everyone
    else."

    INSS/ATLANTA CONSULATE

    ¶8. (SBU) Amorim understood the two issues: property sales and
    INSS payments should be delinked.  However, he added that if
    the U.S. can provide general language in an agreement that
    reflects a U.S. intention to pay past USG debts to Brazil's
    social security system or some other acknowledgment that
    accomplishes that purpose, a solution can be reached.  He
    said "it is in your interest for Brazil to have a consulate
    in Atlanta," reflecting his understanding that the USG is
    using delay of approval for the new consulate as leverage to
    press for a solution on the USG property problem.  Ambassador
    noted that this has been a long-standing issue that was an
    administrative and financial impediment to our diplomatic
    mission in Brazil, and that the time has come to solve this
    matter. Amorim seemed good natured and optimistic about
    resolving the question with some type of appropriate
    agreement regarding the USG "intention" to deal with its INSS
    obligations.
    TSA/Alcantara

    SIPDIS

    ¶9. (SBU) Amorim also said that the GOB is close to being
    ready to engage with the USG on revision of the 2000
    bilateral Technology Safeguards Agreement for participation
    of U.S. firms in commercial space launches at the Alcantara
    facility in northern Brazil.  Amorim noted two specific
    issues -- language referring to safeguard agreements of other
    countries working at Alcantara and USG requirements on
    prohibiting launches by states accused of supporting
    terrorism - as areas where the GOB and USG may need to find
    new common language for the text.

    ¶10. (S) Comment: Amorim made it very clear that the GOB is
    not buying into our categorization of Chavez as a significant
    threat to the region, to be treated accordingly.  The GOB
    sees him as a legitimate, democratically- elected figure (as
    is also Evo Morales, in the GOB's view) and Brazil is
    committed to working closely with Chavez, ostensibly to
    ameliorate his more extreme behavior by involving him in
    interdependent economic and political relationships.  Brazil
    seems to believe that is the best route to enhancing regional
    stability.  Amorim's flat rejection of intelligence sharing
    was balanced by his willingness to engage more intensely with
    us on a political level in approaching Venezuela, and we
    should look for ways to exploit that opening in making our
    case that Chavez represents a danger. Providing the GOB with
    more detailed information on human rights violations and
    repressive actions within Venezuela, as well as any
    information we can share about Chavez-backed mischief in
    other countries (even if that means offering intelligence
    unilaterally) can be part of the political engagement.  On a
    more positive note, Amorim was forward-leaning on the two key
    bilateral issues discussed -- INSS/U.S. property and the
    Alcantara TSA -- and seems committed to working on
    resolutions in the near future.

    Danilovich

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