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### Viewing cable 07AITTAIPEI1756, MEDIA REACTION: U.S.-TAIWAN RELATIONS

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
07AITTAIPEI1756 | 2007-08-06 22:38 | 2011-08-23 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | American Institute Taiwan, Taipei

`

    VZCZCXYZ0009
    RR RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHIN #1756/01 2182238
    ZNR UUUUU ZZH
    R 062238Z AUG 07
    FM AIT TAIPEI
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 6265
    INFO RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 7099
    RUEHHK/AMCONSUL HONG KONG 8347

` `

    UNCLAS AIT TAIPEI 001756

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    DEPARTMENT FOR INR/R/MR, EAP/TC, EAP/PA, EAP/PD -NIDA EMMONS
    DEPARTMENT PASS AIT/WASHINGTON

    E.O. 12958: N/A
    TAGS: OPRC KMDR KPAO TW
    SUBJECT: MEDIA REACTION: U.S.-TAIWAN RELATIONS

    ¶1. Summary:  Taiwan's major Chinese-language dailies focused news
    coverage August 4-6 on next year's legislators' and presidential
    elections, on Taiwan's UN bid, on the joint efforts by Taiwan and
    the United States in successfully capturing five illegal Chinese
    immigrants at the Los Angeles International Airport Saturday; and on
    the raid of an illegal local cosmetics company disguised as an
    Australian firm.  The pro-unification "United Daily News" ran a
    banner headline on page four August 6 which said "Deputy Defense
    Minister Ko Cheng-heng to Visit the United States to Pave the Way
    for the [Planned Purchase of] Aegis-class Destroyers."

    ¶2. In terms of editorials and commentaries, an editorial in the
    pro-independence "Liberty Times," Taiwan's largest-circulation
    daily, said the United States' recent moves in bowing blindly to
    communist China and suppressing democratic Taiwan have aroused
    certain anti-U.S. sentiments in Taiwan.  An editorial in the
    pro-independence English-language "Taipei Times" also criticized
    Washington's different treatments to Beijing and to Taipei. An
    editorial in the pro-independence, English-language "Taiwan News"
    chimed in by urging the United States to cherish Taiwan's democracy.
     An editorial in the centrist, KMT-leaning "China Times" discussed
    the subtle changes in the triangular relationship among Taipei,
    Washington and Beijing recently and said such changes have put both
    Washington and Beijing in a dilemma.  A "Taipei Times" op-ed,
    written by former AIT Chairman Nat Bellocchi, urged Washington to
    establish constructive dialogue mechanism with Taiwan.  End
    summary.

    A) "The United States' Taiwan Policy Needs to Conform to Common
    Sense and Common Principles"

    The pro-independence "Liberty Times" [circulation: 720,000]
    editorialized (8/6):

    "... Since [President Chen Shui-bian's] transit in the United States
    en route to Central and South America is not totally necessary, the
    question regarding whether he should transit the continental U.S. is
    a matter that carries more symbolic than substantive significance.
    Indeed, transiting the continental U.S., particularly those big
    cities like New York or Los Angeles, may lead to some beneficial
    results such as the non-official meetings with passionate overseas
    Taiwanese, but still, there are evident restrictions to such
    activities.  More importantly, if those bureaucrats in the U.S.
    State Department insist on making a matter out of this routine
    practice and turning it into a tool to vent its complaints about the
    policy of Taiwan's elected president, our nation will weigh on it as
    well and will not yield [to the United States] blindly.  As it
    stands now, the abolition of the National Unification Council and
    the National Unification Guidelines in early 2006 as well as the
    plan to hold a UN referendum this year are all what an elected
    president must reasonably do to comply with the mainstream public
    opinion; they also indicated democratic Taiwan's sincerity in
    telling the international community that it is willing to handle
    peacefully its normal relations with communist China and to
    participate in the international organizations.

    "The United States, which proactively advocates democracy and
    practices it as a universal value, should reasonably support
    Taiwan's daring and resolute actions in practicing democracy and
    joining the international community.  It is a pity that the U.S.
    executive branch has often been inconsistent in its words and deeds
    when it comes to treating democratic Taiwan over the past few years:
     From President Bill Clinton to President George W. Bush, from
    Secretary Colin Powell to Condoleezza Rice, what one often saw was

    SIPDIS
    that when they praised Taiwan as a successful story of democracy,
    they were also restricted by the diplomatic needs of communist
    China.  Washington has constantly cited reasons such as the one
    China policy or [possible] alteration to the cross-Strait status quo
    to suppress [Taiwan's] procedures in concretely practicing basic
    democratic principles, such as the referenda.  Such inconsistency in
    [the United States'] words and deeds have aroused some anti-U.S.
    sentiments. ...  This anti-U.S. consciousness that appeared lately
    is an aversion stemming from the United States' blind bowing to
    communist China and suppressing democratic Taiwan. ..."

    B) "Carrots for China, Sticks for Taiwan"

    The pro-independence, English-language "Taipei Times" [circulation:
    30,000] editorialized (8/4):

    "It's a perfect juxtaposition: In the same week that Mattel pulled
    more than 1.5 million units of toys off the shelves, the US has
    offered would-be superpower China technical advice on how to export
    untainted food and drugs.  Despite years of exponential growth, poor
    Beijing is apparently still struggling with the concept of export
    quality. ...  Even so, the strength of the yuan and flagrant,
    unpunished intellectual copyright violations are putting pressure on
    members of Congress to demand retaliatory measures.  With the Bush
    administration in general, and the US State Department in
    particular, however, it's nothing doing: Diplomacy is all.  The
    offer of technical assistance is sensible: Americans and their
    companies have a lot at stake when China neglects responsibilities
    on health and safety.

    "And yet it is striking how the US consistently prefers
    encouragement and dialogue over criticism and punitive measures when
    it comes to the flagrant disregard for basic standards in China,
    standards that the industrialized world takes for granted.  If only
    Taiwan consistently enjoyed such treatment from Washington.  When
    President Chen Shui-bian about to embark on another Central American
    diplomatic tour, there are rumblings over whether the US State
    Department is going to punish him for supporting a referendum on
    Taiwan's entry into the UN. No punitive restrictions have been
    announced, although the pro-unification China Times - a frequently
    unreliable and mischievous source on US matters - claims that this
    is on the way.  If the State Department were to do so, it would be a
    most unfortunate reflection of a monolithic view on Taiwanese
    affairs and Taiwanese people.  It would also be a sad coda to the
    bridge-building trip to the US by Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)
    presidential nominee Frank Hsieh, who seems to have gone out of his
    way to play ball with US officials all too easily unnerved by an
    'angry' China.

    "It is understandable, though not defensible, that the State
    Department would want to muzzle Chen, Even if what he says about
    Taiwan and the UN is perfectly true.  It is not understandable that
    the State Department would so pettily use stopover rights as
    punishment if Chen does not do its bidding.  There are other ways to
    place pressure on leaders.  One is to treat ordinary Taiwanese with
    a greater degree of respect.  An example of this would be to grant
    visa waivers for entry to the US to Taiwanese nationals, which a new
    law awaiting the signature of US resident George W. bush would
    allow.  This kind of bottom-up pressure is not achieved, however, by
    giving a head of state a smackdown for all to see.  At some point,
    if is wants to see results, the US government will need to speak to
    ordinary Taiwanese in a manner more eloquent and constructive than
    this. "

    C) "U.S. Should Cherish Taiwan Democracy"

    The pro-independence, English-language "Taiwan News" [circulation:
    20,000] editorialized (8/6):

    "... In our view, the adoption of any such measures to 'retaliate'
    against either Taiwan's application to join the U.N. or against the
    proposed bottom-up referendum campaigns on affiliating with the U.N.
    would gravely sully the U.S.' cultivated image of the world's model
    democracy. ...  In his March 28 rejection of Taiwan's depositing of
    its accession to the U.S.'s own Convention Against All forms of
    Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), U.N. Secretary-General Ban
    Ki-moom shamefully endorsed Beijing's drive to unilaterally change
    Taiwan's status by wrongfully declaring that "the U.N. considers
    Taiwan for all purposes to be an integral party of the People's
    Republic of China.

    "Moreover, in his rejection of President Chen's application for
    Taiwan's U.N.  membership, Ban grossly misinterpreted U.N. General
    Assembly Resolution 2758 of October 25, 1971 as the basis for his
    claim, even though the resolution only granted the U.N. seats for
    'China' to the PRC, but did not resolve or even mention the issue of
    Taiwan.  Regretfully, Bush has failed to openly take the U.N.
    secretary-general to account for Ban's endorsement of Beijing's

    SIPDIS
    attempt to annex Taiwan and may thus be betraying his own stated
    ideals of "promoting democracy around the world. ...

    "The drive for Taiwan to join the U.N. as an equal and contributing
    member was also not manufactured by Chen, but was advocated by
    Taiwan democratic movement pioneers in the late 1970s and has long
    been promoted from the bottom up by a wide range of social forces,
    not just the DPP.  Indeed, the fact that the KMT itself has launched
    a bottom-up referendum campaign for U.N. 're-entry' confirms the
    depth of public feeling on this issue. ...  President Chen has a
    constitutional and legal right to call a 'defensive referendum' if
    faced with a direct challenge to our national sovereignty to give
    the Taiwan people a chance to express their voices.  As it is
    difficult to predict how such a decision would affect U.S.-Taiwan
    relations we urge Washington, together with other democratic powers,
    to cherish Taiwan's democracy and prevent the formation of a direct
    threat to our sovereignty by the authoritarian PRC."

    D) "Predicament and Dilemma in the Triangular Relationship among
    Taipei, Washington and Beijing"

    The centrist, KMT-leaning "China Times" [circulation: 400,000]
    editorialized (8/5):

    "The triangular relationship among Taipei, Washington and Beijing
    has been in the process of subtle interactions over the past few
    years.  On the one hand, Washington and Beijing have attempted to
    box the triangular relationship in a certain 'status quo' by
    constantly announcing their positions.  On the other hand, however,
    the DPP in Taipei has been constantly trying and testing in an
    attempt to push the envelop of the 'status quo.' ...  But the
    evolvement of certain situations lately has made the situation more
    complicated, and it is difficult to predict how the situation will
    evolve in the next stage. ...

    "First, differences have unusually occurred in the strategies of the
    Green leadership elites in carrying out their goals. ...  As a rule,
    after Frank Hsieh has formally become [the DPP] presidential
    candidate, all the party operations should run with Hsieh as the
    center.  But what happened in reality was that each authority agency
    is working its own way like a carriage drawn by many horses running
    in different directions.  For example, a minute ago Hsieh was
    telling Washington that he will not push for a UN referendum [sic],
    the next minute President Chen wrote a letter to the UN Secretariat
    expressing Taiwan's position on 'applying for the UN membership
    under the name Taiwan.'  The party machine led by You Shyi-kun then
    submitted a 'Normal Country Resolution,' which was directly aiming
    at Hsieh's 'constitutional one China' doctrine. ...

    "The second change in situation was that the Blue camp obviously no
    longer wanted to play the role of a firewall in the triangular
    relationship among Taipei, Washington and Beijing. Unlike what
    happened in 2004, leadership elites in the Blue camp, starting from
    Ma Ying-jeou, did not criticize the Green camp for its moves pushing
    for the UN referendum; instead, they followed suit and announced
    that they will launch a referendum on rejoining the UN.  To avoid
    pressure from Washington, Ma Ying-jeou even plans not to go to the
    United States! ...

    "Such new changes have put Washington and Beijing in a dilemma.
    Washington's predicament is that none of its powerful moves, be it
    an elaboration on its position, postponement in the arms deals, or
    even lowering its treatment for [Taiwan] leaders transiting the
    U.S., seems to be able to punish Chen Shui-bian, but it may very
    likely directly impact the campaigning of Hsieh.  This is a result
    that Washington will not be happy to see. ..."

    E) "Better Dialogue in the Triumvirate"

    Nat Bellocchi, former chairman of AIT and now a special adviser to
    the Liberty Times Group, opined in the pro-independence,
    English-language "Taipei Times" [circulation: 30,000] (8/6):

    "... There are numerous reasons why constrictive dialogue between
    Taipei and Washington has suffered in recent years.  The US has made
    commitments to both Taiwan and China.  Changing those commitments
    would be difficult.  For one thing, Beijing has refused to accept
    any real dialogue with Taiwan unless the latter surrenders.  And
    Taiwan especially since it became a democracy - seeks high-level,
    open dialogue so that it can fully represent its people. ...  The US
    must find the political will to become more involved and should try
    to find ways by which it can more efficiently discuss developments
    in the Strait with its Taiwanese counterparts.

    "Taipei and Washington must hold frequent bilateral talks -- not
    through single envoys or from time to time, but rather on a regular
    basis.  Both should bolster their representative offices to provide
    policymakers back home better information upon which to develop
    their policies.  The present system of US-Taiwan relations began
    some 27 years ago.  Back then, the two enjoyed close relations.
    When, years later, Taiwan turned into a democracy, the expectations
    were that the relationship would only become even closer.    A quick
    glance at TV and newspapers in Taiwan suffices to demonstrate how
    things have changed. ...

    "At the same time, US interests have changed, as it faces a
    different set of problems. Despite its preference for a peaceful
    resolution in the cross-strait conflict, the truth of the matter is
    that relations between Taipei and Beijing have deteriorated.  Given
    this reality and without a change in policy, the US could soon be
    seen to be complicit in Beijing's suppression of Taiwanese
    democracy. ...  It took the missile crisis of 1996 to prompt change
    in the military relationship.  Military-to-military communication
    between Taiwan and the US has continued to grow, but for political
    reasons the quality of diplomatic channels has deteriorated.

    "In all, from now until 2009 and given everything that will happen
    in between, we can expect the US-Taiwan relationship to be a highly
    complex one. As such, failure by these two countries to establish
    constructive dialogue mechanisms could give rise to serious
    problems.  Before crisis hits, routine meetings at the governmental
    level -- or, if needed, between officials who have taken temporary
    leave of their official positions in office -- should be held so
    that concerns and opportunities can be thoroughly discussed.  Doing
    so is in the US' interest, Taiwan's interest - and even in China's
    interest.  What is not in the US's interest is to continue to allow
    Beijing to determine the nature of the US-Taiwan relationship."

    YOUNG

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