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### Viewing cable 07SAOPAULO367, MST'S "RED APRIL" OFFERS LOTS OF THEATER BUT NOT MUCH

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
07SAOPAULO367 | 2007-05-02 17:05 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Consulate Sao Paulo

`

    VZCZCXRO3619
    PP RUEHRG
    DE RUEHSO #0367/01 1221705
    ZNR UUUUU ZZH
    P 021705Z MAY 07
    FM AMCONSUL SAO PAULO
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6855
    INFO RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 7987
    RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION 2995
    RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 2718
    RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO 2329
    RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ 3335
    RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 2041
    RUEHRG/AMCONSUL RECIFE 3538
    RUEHRI/AMCONSUL RIO DE JANEIRO 8021
    RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
    RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC 2769
    RUEHRC/USDA FAS WASHDC 0678
    RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHDC
    RUEHC/DEPT OF LABOR WASHDC
    RHMFISS/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL

` `

    UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 SAO PAULO 000367

    SIPDIS

    SENSITIVE
    SIPDIS

    STATE FOR WHA/BSC, DRL/IL, INR/IAA, INR/R/AA
    STATE PASS USTR FOR CRONIN
    STATE PASS EXIMBANK
    STATE PASS OPIC FOR DMORONESE, NRIVERA, CVERVENNE
    NSC FOR FEARS
    TREASURY FOR OASIA, DAS LEE AND JHOEK
    USDOC FOR 4332/ITA/MAC/WH/OLAC
    USDOC FOR 3134/ITA/USCS/OIO/WH/RD
    SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD
    DOL FOR ILAB
    USAID FOR LAC/AA

    E.O. 12958:  N/A
    TAGS: EAGR ELAB PGOV PINS PINR BR
    SUBJECT: MST'S "RED APRIL" OFFERS LOTS OF THEATER BUT NOT MUCH
    SUBSTANCE

    REF: (A) SAO PAULO 150; (B) 06 BRASILIA 1138;

         (C) 06 SAO PAULO 332

    SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED - PLEASE PROTECT ACCORDINGLY

    -------
    SUMMARY
    -------

    ¶1.  Summary: (SBU) Actions by the Rural Landless Workers' Movement
    (MST) this year in observance of "Red April" have been characterized
    by strident rhetoric but less property destruction than last year.
    While they have generated some attention, the land invasions and
    occupations do not appear to have a particular focus or objective.
    In most cases, MST militants have occupied private farms or estates
    but have withdrawn after a brief period, often without even waiting
    for the judicial order directing them to vacate the property.
    Takeovers of the GoB's land reform office in several cities have
    likewise not generated significant trouble.  Sugar plantations in
    Sao Paulo state have been a particular target this year, due in part
    perhaps to the heightened profile of the sugar industry as a result
    of the increased international interest in sugarcane-based ethanol.
    MST leaders have made a conscious decision to elevate the tone of
    their attacks against President Lula, who has long been considered,
    if not exactly one of their own, at least an MST sympathizer and
    protector.  The landless people assert that Lula owes them for their
    past support in his five presidential campaigns and during the 2005
    political corruption scandals.  However, according to one insider,
    the Lula administration and the MST made an agreement back in 2003
    which the government has largely honored and the MST has not.
    Accusing the movement of "hypocrisy," this erstwhile champion of the
    landless asserted that MST leaders routinely flatter GoB officials
    in private as they seek more funding for their initiatives, while at
    the same time publicly confronting the government with ugly rhetoric
    and provocative land invasions.  End Summary.

    ----------------------
    COMMEMORATING THE DEAD
    ----------------------

    ¶2.  (U) "Red April" is an annual observance by the Landless Movement
    to commemorate an April 1996 confrontation between MST militants and
    state Military Police in the northern state of Para that left 19
    landless people dead.  Every April, MST conducts a series of
    activities designed to raise public consciousness of the need for
    agrarian reform and to pressure the government to distribute more
    land and provide settlements for landless people.  This year, the
    movement has invaded 81 farms and other properties spread across 21
    states of Brazil's 26 states, with an emphasis on the impoverished
    northeast and the more prosperous southeast.  This is a significant
    increase over the 28 land invasions carried out in 2006 and the 44
    in 2005.  It has also briefly occupied the facilities of the
    National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) in
    Brasilia and elsewhere and of the Sao Paulo State Land Institute
    (ITESP) in the troubled Pontal do Paranapanema (see ref A).  In the
    southern state of Parana, MST has attacked tollbooths on public
    highways, driven away the collectors, and allowed motorists to pass
    through for free, while at the same time setting up stands to sell
    food, drinks and other items.  In Santa Catarina, also in the south,
    approximately 500 families briefly occupied a 10,000-hectare Army
    facility.

    ¶3.  (U) In almost all cases, MST militants withdrew from the
    properties after only a short occupation (and before the inevitable

    SAO PAULO 00000367  002 OF 004

    court order was issued), suggesting that they were more interested
    in attracting attention than in serious confrontations with
    landowners or police.  The fact that the ownership of many of the
    properties targeted is not in dispute, and that few can be
    considered idle or unproductive - two normal conditions for its
    redistribution) - offers another indication that the MST is not
    seriously attempting to engage the government on land reform.  It is
    worth noting that, unlike last year, when assaults on agri-business
    facilities led to damage estimated at USD 400,000 (ref C), this
    year's MST activities have not involved any significant destruction
    of private property.

    ¶4.  (U) Throughout the month of April, Sao Paulo also saw several
    invasions of abandoned buildings by members of the National Union
    for Popular Housing (UNMP), an urban equivalent of the MST that
    advocates on behalf of the homeless, generating some concern that
    the two movements were joining forces.  However, leaders of both MST
    and UNMP were quick to deny any such intention, calling their
    concurrent actions "a coincidence."  UNMP stressed that it has
    nothing to do with Red April, but is simply pressing the claim of
    Sao Paulo's poor to adequate housing.  According to press reports,
    Sao Paulo state is home to some 4 million inhabitants of "irregular
    parcels, favelas (makeshift urban slums), swamps, and unsafe areas,"
    as well as 2 million tenement-dwellers and another 2 million camping
    out in friends' and relatives' apartments.  When heavy rains cause
    the rivers to rise and flood the city' periphery, the homeless are
    among the most seriously affected.

    ------------------
    BREAKING WITH LULA
    ------------------

    ¶5.  (U) The MST is an autonomous social movement affiliated with
    President Lula's Workers' Party (PT).  As such, while movement
    leaders have criticized the federal government for a lack of
    progress on land reform and redistribution, they have generally
    spared Lula personally.  However, there are signs that this might be
    changing.  In a recent press interview, MST national director and
    spokesman Joao Pedro Stedile argued that Lula has "debts" with the
    MST and that he and the PT need to "return to their historical
    commitments" and reduce the "rightist influence" in the government.
    MST supported Lula in his three unsuccessful presidential bids as
    well as his victorious 2002 campaign.  Though sometimes critical of
    Lula's orthodox macroeconomic policies, the MST joined the United
    Workers' Center (CUT) and the National Students' Union (UNE) at the
    height of the 2005 political corruption scandals to defend Lula's
    government and denounce the opposition.  The movement then went on
    to support Lula's re-election in 2006.

    ¶6.  (U) Now, however, MST's patience appears to be wearing thin.
    During his post-election Cabinet shuffle, Lula left in place the
    Minister of Agricultural Development, Guilherme Cassel, who has been
    blamed by the movement for the slow pace of land reform.  Then,
    after the POTUS visit in March and the signing of the MOU on
    biofuels cooperation, amid widespread talk of expanding sugar
    cultivation nationwide to meet an anticipated increase in demand and
    exploit Brazil's leadership in the production of sugarcane-based
    ethanol, Lula delivered public remarks in which he characterized the
    sugar growers and mill owners as "national heroes."  The MST has
    long considered the sugar-growers a prime adversary because of their
    practice of "monoculture and their treatment of workers, which some
    have compared to slave labor.  In his labor union days, Lula often
    marched with the MST.  As a politician, he has long been one of the
    sugar industry's harshest critics, and movement leaders found his

    SAO PAULO 00000367  003 OF 004

    sudden about-face anything but encouraging.  Among other properties,
    MST invaded a significant number of sugar plantations in western Sao
    Paulo state this year, possibly in an attempt to take advantage of
    all the attention focused on the industry due to the ethanol boom.
    Sao Paulo state, which is approximately the size of Minnesota and
    Iowa combined, has 3.66 million hectares of sugar cultivation and
    produces more than 60 percent of Brazil's ethanol.  At the same
    time, the state has about three times as much pasture land as crop
    land, and the pasture land, though very inefficiently used, with an
    extremely low density of animals per hectare, does not receive
    nearly as much attention from the landless movement as does the crop
    land.

    -------------------------
    A FORMER SUPPORTER SPEAKS
    -------------------------

    ¶7.  (U) Poloffs and Political Assistant met April 20 with former PT
    Federal Deputy Luiz Eduardo Greenhalgh (1987-91, 1995-2007), now an
    attorney in private practice.  Greenhalgh was one of only a handful
    of Federal Deputies openly affiliated with the MST, some of whose
    members he had defended as a lawyer.  As head of the Chamber of
    Deputies' Human Rights Commission, he was the PT's choice for
    President of the lower house in February 2005, but, in a setback for
    the Lula administration, was defeated by backbencher Severino
    Cavalcanti (Progressivist Party -Pernambuco) after a PT dissident
    entered the fray.  However, he failed to win re-election in the 2006
    elections despite the PT's strong showing nationwide (83 seats out
    of 513, second-highest) and in Sao Paulo state (14 out of 70, also
    second-highest).

    ¶8.  (SBU) Asked about the MST's recent activities, Greenhalgh
    (please protect) said he had been present at meetings between the
    movement and the Lula administration in 2003 when the two sides had
    negotiated a modus vivendi. From his perspective, the government had
    upheld its side of the agreement, but MST had not.  The government
    had provided considerable funding to various NGO which supported MST
    initiatives, or, in some cases, had passed the money directly to the
    movement.  It had also established some settlements for the
    landless.  The MST, however, had continued to adopt a
    confrontational pose, invading property and routinely employing ugly
    rhetoric.  Greenhalgh accused the MST of hypocrisy in pretending to
    militate against the government while adopting a soft, flattering
    tone in private discussions as it attempted to gain access to more
    funding.  This led him to distance himself from the movement, many
    of whose members decided in turn not to vote for his re-election.
    He listed the lack of MST support as one factor that contributed to
    his unexpected defeat.  Greenhalgh also noted that though the
    movement is affiliated with the PT, some of its regional leaders and
    local leaders are strongly influenced by former Senator and 2006
    Presidential candidate Heloisa Helena and members of the Socialism
    and Liberty Party (PSOL), which she formed after being expelled in
    2003 from the PT after criticizing Lula's orthodox economic
    policies.

    -------
    COMMENT
    -------

    ¶9.  (SBU) The good news is that despite increased activity this
    year, the MST and similar organizations did not commit the sort of
    wanton destruction of property as in 2006, which included not only
    the attacks on agri-business facilities but also an invasion of
    Congress (ref B) carried out by the Movement for the Liberation of

    SAO PAULO 00000367  004 OF 004

    the Landless (MLST), accompanied by major vandalism.  Nevertheless,
    the movement continues to generate considerable concern, especially
    in the business community.  For example, the CEO of International
    Paper (please protect) in Brazil told the Consul General recently
    that MST represents one of the biggest problems for his company, a
    major foreign investor which is in the process of building a
    billion-dollar wood pulp and paper manufacturing plant in a small
    town in Mato Grosso do Sul state, a site of frequent MST activity.
    Also of concern is the fact that, while criticizing the land
    invasions and calling for the law to be upheld, the federal
    government does not seem interested in trying to work constructively
    to address MST's grievances; Lula and his advisors apparently
    believe they have already done more than enough.

    ¶10.  (SBU) Like other social movements of the PT's left wing, the
    MST seems belatedly to be coming to the conclusion that Lula is a
    traitor to his class and that his centrist policies, far from being
    temporary, tactical measures (as some claim he led them to believe),
    represent the direction in which he wants to lead the country.  The
    group's occupations of sugar plantations is no accident; one the one
    hand, MST views the industry as among the worst perpetrators of
    abusive labor practices, while on the other, they are aware of its
    high visibility due to the current focus on increased ethanol
    production.  For his part, Lula recognizes that production of
    sugarcane-based ethanol is one area where Brazil has a clear
    advantage over its competitors, and he may well see the biofuels
    boom as an important part of his legacy if only the country can
    attract the necessary foreign investment.  Seen in this light, his
    decision to praise the sugar-growers and ignore the landless people
    should come as no surprise.  End Comment.

    ¶11.  (U) This cable was coordinated/cleared with Embassy Brasilia.

    MCMULLEN

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