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### Viewing cable 07ATHENS171, REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE" MANIFESTO CLAIMS

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
07ATHENS171 | 2007-01-25 16:24 | 2011-06-03 08:00 | SECRET | Embassy Athens
Appears in these articles: www.tanea.gr

`

    VZCZCXYZ0030
    OO RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHTH #0171/01 0251624
    ZNY SSSSS ZZH
    O 251624Z JAN 07 ZDK
    FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7946
    INFO RUEHSQ/AMEMBASSY SKOPJE PRIORITY 1013
    RUEHTI/AMEMBASSY TIRANA PRIORITY 1188
    RHMCSUU/FBI WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY

` `

    S E C R E T ATHENS 000171

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/23/2017
    TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER GR
    SUBJECT: "REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE" MANIFESTO CLAIMS
    RESPONSIBILITY FOR EMBASSY RPG ATTACK

    REF: A) ATHENS 77 B) ATHENS 94 C) ATHENS 95 D) STATE

         7147

    Classified By: AMBASSADOR CHARLES RIES.  REASON:  1.4 (B) AND (D).

    SUMMARY

    ¶1.  (S)  On January 24, the left-wing group "Revolutionary
    Struggle" officially claimed responsibility for the January
    12 RPG attack on the Embassy in a manifesto passed to the
    weekly Greek newspaper "Pondiki."  The statement cites
    opposition to U.S. foreign policy as the motive for the
    attack -- and, by specifically criticizing FM Bakoyannis and
    Minister of Public Order Polydoras, appears to mark them as
    potential future targets.  The statement's focus on Greek
    public figures and institutions supports the argument both
    the U.S. and GOG have made since January 12:  that this was
    an attack on both U.S. and Greek interests.  Public reaction
    since the RPG attack appears to support this view, a change
    from the tacit public acceptance of domestic terrorist
    incidents.  While there has been some political fallout for
    the Karamanlis government, this too has been comparatively
    restrained.

    ¶2.  (S)  Greek authorities are undertaking a comprehensive,
    professional and high priority investigation of the January
    12 PRG attack on the Chancery.  The two-way information flow
    has been good, and U.S. agencies' representatives have good
    access.  We have shared all relevant information in our hands
    with Greek authorities, and are confident that they have
    shared their information equally fully with us.  The
    investigation is proceeding along several tracks.  Our main
    concern is constant press leaks -- likely the consequence of
    political and personal rivalries in an election year -- that
    have hampered the investigations effectiveness, primarily by
    the near-identification of the chief suspect.  Ambassador and
    DCM have emphasized to both government and top PASOK
    officials that such leaks work against both U.S. and Greek
    interests.  A second attack might be in the offing, based on
    analysis of past incidents, but may be against a Greek
    government target.  Embassy has requested and received
    funding for 24-hour surveillance detection and will shortly
    submit recommendations to address the Embassy's greatest
    security challenge:  offices situated only 65 feet from a
    major Athens avenue.  END SUMMARY.

    REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE ISSUES ITS MANIFESTO

    ¶3.  (S)  Authorities have been anticipating a statement from
    "Revolutionary Struggle;" the explanatory manifesto was
    received by the Greek weekly tabloid "Pondiki" following an
    anonymous call.  "Revolutionary Struggle" claims the attack
    was in reponse to U.S. policies in Palestine, Lebanon, and
    Iraq, also citing detainees in Guantanamo.  It contains
    invective against "CIA and FBI agents and assassins" housed
    at U.S. Embassies, and suggests that the Greek National
    Police's Counter-Terrorism Unit houses "American agents."

    ¶4.  (S)  In addition, the lengthy document criticizes Greek
    officials and institutions.  Its opening paragraph refers to
    the Foreign Minister as "the slave of the Americans,
    Bakoyiannis," and implies that Minister of Public Order
    Polydoras is also too close to the U.S.  While there are no
    explicit threats against either, the mention of both by name
    suggests they are potential targets.  But they are not the
    only ones.  The manifesto blasts the "extraordinary military
    'tribunals'" and the judges currently presiding over the
    appeal of the November 17 terrorists.  It adds that, if
    "Revolutionary Struggle" had its way, the first building that
    would be torn down would be the U.S. Embassy, the second
    would be the Greek parliament, perhaps suggesting that MPs
    are also possible targets.

    ¶5.  (S)  In contrast to the manifestos issued by the earlier
    terrorist group "17 November," the document does not provide
    details of how the attack was organized and executed.  The
    style is also different, shorter, less ideological and more
    direct/journalistic.  Some have interpreted this as a sign
    that the group's members have a lower level of education than
    some of 17N's leaders.  The Minister of Public Order told us
    he thought the writer had media experience.

    INVESTIGATION RUNNING ON SEVERAL TRACKS

    ¶6.  (S)  Since the investigation began on January 12, it has
    proceeded along several tracks.  The first has focused on a
    prominent Greek anarchist with a police record who is seen as
    the most logical suspect.  This investigation is being
    handled by an extremely restricted group within the police
    department.  However, the fact that the individual was
    described thoroughly (identified in all but name) in the
    January 14 press has complicated police tracking efforts.

    ¶7.  (S)  The second line of inquiry, pursued by a broader
    police working group, is focused on interviewing witnesses,
    checking phone records of those offering information, and
    tracking the origin of the Chinese RPG used in the attack.
    Police believe that the RPG, which was not a type purchased
    by any GOG entity, was likely among those looted from
    Albanian arsenals during 1997.  (Greek officials report
    positive cooperation with counterparts in Tirana and Skopje.)
     Police also have high expectations (perhaps overly so) for
    what FBI enhancement of surveillance video shot by Embassy
    cameras may reveal when analysis is completed later this
    week.

    ¶8.  (S)  Third, police are pursuing pieces of information
    (some potentially credible, some clearly not) that indicates
    the attackers may have come from outside Greece, and were
    therefore not the standard-issue Greek radicals most have
    assumed them to be.  The "Revolutionary Struggle" manifesto
    may challenge this thesis.  Embassy RSO, Legatt, and SIMO are
    working together closely on all aspects of the investigation,
    meeting regularly with the Greek police teams involved.

    ¶9.  (S)  Recently, both police and press have speculated that
    another attack might take place soon.  This is based on past
    incidents of domestic terrorism; the terrorist group
    "November 17" generally instigated two-three incidents prior
    to claiming responsibility in a written statement.  Press
    sources note that RPGs are usually packaged in groups of six;
    presuming that some were used for "target practice," the
    theory is that this would leave several still available for
    subsequent attacks.  Some accounts have even stretched the
    line of speculation further, suggesting that the next targets
    might be GOG ministries.  While there is no firm basis for
    such speculation, the possibility of course cannot be ruled
    out.

    BUT POLITICALLY-MOTIVATED PRESS LEAKS HAMPER EFFECTIVENESS

    ¶10.  (S)  Although impressed with the energy and thoroughness
    of the investigation, we have been disappointed by leaks from
    PASOK-affiliated police officers directly to Greek media --
    which has been constant since day one.  While in most cases
    the details leaked are insignificant, the near-identification
    of a primary suspect has, without doubt, hampered the overall
    investigation.

    ¶11.  (S)  Politics is clearly behind the leaks.  With
    elections this year, after the RPG attack opposition PASOK
    contrasted its record with the New Democracy government --
    reminding the public that its administration had succeeded in
    breaking the back of Greece's biggest domestic terrorist
    threat, "November 17" (a group responsible for decades of
    violent attacks, including the killing of 5 Americans).
    PASOK-aligned journalists jumped on board, criticizing
    Karamanlis for purportedly re-structuring the police
    counter-terrorism team.  The criticism seemed to hit home
    when Karamanlis asked former Anti-Terrorist Squad Chief Syros
    to take on the job again (in addition to his current
    responsibilities as Deputy Chief of Police).  (We think
    Karamanlis made the assignment in the perhaps unrealistic
    hope of obtaining political peace, and to show he was leaving
    no stars on the bench.)  But Syros -- whose links to PASOK
    were formed while serving under former PASOK Minister of
    Public Order Chrysochoides -- is also fighting for survival
    in the police force's promotion cycle this March.  While we
    respect his experience and conduct of the investigation
    itself, we assess that he is a major source of press leaks,
    which are designed to bolster his own public image and win a
    promotion.

    AMBASSADOR TO MPO, OPPOSITION:  STOP THE LEAKS NOW

    ¶12.  (S)  On January 19 Ambassador conveyed to Minister of
    Public Order Polydoras (through MPO diplomatic advisor
    Ailianos) that, while the Embassy was satisfied with the
    overall level of cooperation, we were concerned that press
    leaks were harming the investigation.  The leaks could
    clearly delay the apprehension of the perpetrators, and
    worked against both U.S. and Greek interests.  Also on
    January 19, Ambassador delivered the same message to
    opposition leader George Papandreou.  DCM and SIMO Chief
    reached out to former MPO Chrysochoides (Minister under the
    PASOK government, leaving office in 2004), stressing that
    while the Embassy was not taking sides in the on-going
    political/factional struggle now being played out in the
    press, we were very concerned that the struggle, and, most
    importantly, the leaks were impairing an effective
    investigation.  On January 21, DCM passed our assessment to
    PM Karamanlis through diplomatic advisor Bitsios.

    CONTINUED FOCUS ON EMBASSY SECURITY

    ¶13.  (S)  In order to keep the Embassy community fully
    informed, Ambassador hosted a Town Hall meeting for Embassy
    employees on January 15.  The country team has emphasized to
    all employees the need to review security practices, both at
    the Embassy and at their residence.  All employees have been
    advised to vary times and routes; the Ambassador, DCM and
    other recognizable Embassy officials will be particularly
    cognizant of this requirement.  Embassy requested (ref C) and
    received (ref D) funding for immediate implementation of
    24-hour surveillance detection teams.  In addition, Embassy
    will shortly submit a cable of both short and long-term
    recommendations on how OBO and DS can contribute to our
    mutual goal of hardening Embassy security at its most
    vulnerable point -- offices located 65 feet from the major
    Vassilisis Sofias thoroughfare.

    PUBLIC REACTION:  ATTACK BAD FOR U.S., BAD FOR GREECE

    ¶13.  (S)  While some press reports have dug deep into the
    details of election-year political scapegoating, overall the
    attack appears to be viewed not only as an attack on the U.S.
    but also on Greece -- a point the Embassy has stressed from
    the outset.  That does not mean that the Greek public's
    anti-Americanism has lessened significantly.  However, it
    appears that, after the arrest and trial of key members of
    noted left-wing terrorist group "17 November" and the
    successful staging of the Olympic Games, the Greek "person on
    the street" no longer has the same level of tolerance for
    domestic terrorism.  One recent opinion poll suggests that 6
    of 10 Greeks now support increased use of surveillance
    cameras to deter crime.  That is a turnaround for a Greek
    public allergic to all forms of "Big Brother" monitoring.

    COMMENT

    ¶14.  (S)  Some media have questioned whether, as a result of
    the January 12 attack, the U.S. will refuse to consider
    extending participation in the Visa Waiver Program to Greece.
     The Embassy has avoided public response on this point.
    There is no evidence that Greek terrorists past or present
    had or have the means or intention to undertake terrorist
    activities outside of Greece.  In fact, any attempt to do so
    would be to operate without the terrorists' key advantages:
    relative anonymity and a support network.  In any case, at
    this point we are broadly satisfied with the professionalism
    and pace of the investigation and consider it important to
    keep the VWP perspective open.  Any presumptive shut-off of
    VWP consideration would likely backfire, generating political
    resentment and impeding bilateral cooperation on this case.

    RIES

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