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### Viewing cable 05BOGOTA2649, CONGRESS PASSES 29 ARTICLES IN DEMOBILIZATION LAW

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
05BOGOTA2649 | 2005-03-22 18:31 | 2011-04-29 00:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Bogota

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    id: 29347
    date: 3/22/2005 18:31
    refid: 05BOGOTA2649
    origin: Embassy Bogota
    classification: CONFIDENTIAL
    destination: 05BOGOTA2306|05BOGOTA2582
    header:
    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

    ----------------- header ends ----------------

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 BOGOTA 002649

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/22/2015
    TAGS: PTER KJUS PINR PREL PHUM CO
    SUBJECT: CONGRESS PASSES 29 ARTICLES IN DEMOBILIZATION LAW

    REF: A. BOGOTA 2582
         ¶B. BOGOTA 2306

    Classified By: Ambassador William B. Wood for reasons 1.4 (b)
    and (d).

    -------
    Summary
    -------

    ¶1. (C) Before pausing for holy week, Congress passed 29 out
    of 67 articles in the draft Law for Justice and Peace.
    Disagreement over controversial issues, including confession,
    alleged extradition loopholes, and reduction of jail
    sentences for all prisoners remain unresolved.  The GOC will
    propose two additional clauses to prevent drug trafficking
    from being a political crime and to block eligibility for
    crimes committed before membership in an illegal armed group.
     These amendments should help ease speculation that
    beneficiaries could avoid extradition.  Voting will resume on
    March 29.  Most of our Congressional contacts have told us
    that the GOC has the votes to pass its draft of the law.
    However, demobilization and the peace process remain highly
    sensitive issues, and it is not clear if voting will follow
    the traditional pro-Uribe/anti-Uribe pattern.  End Summary.

    ------------------------------
    Benign Articles Passing Easily
    ------------------------------

    ¶2. (U) On March 15 and 16, the House and Senate first
    committees passed 29 articles in the GOC's draft Law for
    Justice and Peace.  Minor modifications were made to some
    articles, but, for the most part, they passed unanimously or
    with a large majority.  (See paragraph nine for full list.)
    Prior to the debate, a small group of Congressmen in favor of
    the GOC draft or Senator Rafael Pardo's rival draft had
    reached consensus on the articles that were subsequently
    passed.  None of the approved articles dealt with the
    contentious issues of confession, alleged extradition
    loopholes, or blanket sentence reductions for prisoners.

    ¶3. (U) Voting on article two was postponed because of
    disagreement over whether or not an internal armed conflict
    exists.  On article three, a large part of the debate focused
    on the GOC's definition of an alternative sentence.  Pardo
    supporters complained that the GOC's definition would not
    hold beneficiaries sufficiently accountable for behavior
    after prison and suggested using Pardo's language on
    conditional liberty, which calls for longer parole periods.
    The GOC revised its draft to lengthen the probationary period
    from one-fifth of the sentence of serious crimes to one-half
    (i.e. 2.5 to four years) and pushed through the article.
    Proposals to make the law statutory instead of ordinary
    legislation and to allow the United Self Defense Forces of
    Colombia (AUC) present their views on the law to Congress
    were rejected.  Voting was supposed to continue on March 17,
    but the session was suspended for lack of a quorum.  Congress
    will resume on March 29 after holy week.

    -------------------------
    Contentious Issues Remain
    -------------------------

    ¶4. (C) The debate will get more heated and less predictable
    when voting begins on the remaining 38 articles, which deal
    with alleged loopholes to avoid extradition (articles 10, 20,
    and 64), confession (articles 15, 17, 21, and 25), and
    blanket sentence reductions for all prisoners (article 61).
    Senator Rodrigo Rivera has repeatedly complained that the
    combination of articles 10, 20, and 64 create a "narcomico"
    (inserted text to provide benefits for drug traffickers) that
    would make narcotrafficking a political crime and therefore
    blocked from extradition.  In order to end speculation that
    the law would benefit drug traffickers, the GOC will propose
    two additional clauses stating that: (1) drug trafficking
    cannot be considered a political crime or connected to any
    political crimes, and (2) the law only applies to crimes
    committed when a beneficiary was a member of the illegal
    armed group.  This second addition will exclude
    paramilitaries, such as Diego Murrillo, who were active drug
    traffickers before
    purchasing an AUC bloc.  Senator German Vargas Lleras
    announced that he also plans to suggest a clause to prevent
    anyone who personally benefited from drug trafficking from
    receiving an alternative sentence.  The exact language of
    these additions has not been finalized yet.
    ¶5. (C) Little has changed so far regarding other contentious
    issues.  Senator Pardo and his supporters continue to insist
    that a full confession is required to ensure the turnover of
    illicit assets and dismantlement of the illegal armed group.
    Many Congressmen continue to question the reason behind
    allowing all prisoners the chance to reduce their sentence if
    they collaborate with authorities and give reparations to
    victims.

    ---------------------------
    Uncertain Political Terrian
    ---------------------------

    ¶6. (C) Our contacts in Congress tell us that the GOC has
    enough votes to pass its version of the law despite
    disagreements over certain articles.  While the political
    balance in the Congress is fluid, the combination of diehard
    "Uribistas" and Conservatives constitute clear majorities in
    both houses.  Opponents of the GOC bill, including Pardo
    himself and leftist Democratic Alternative Party (AD) head
    Senator Carlos Gaviria, have admitted privately that the GOC
    draft will likely pass.  In the 19-member Senate First
    Committee, for example, strong opponents of the GOC draft
    number nine at most: four "Officialist" Liberals, three
    members of small left and center-left parties, and (possibly)
    two Uribista fence-sitters.  In the House Committee, which
    totals 35
    members, the total number of strong opponents is at most 13.
    Those 13 include two members of the "Pardo" group, both of
    whom have shown signs in recent days of being willing to
    compromise with the GOC on a text.  Turning to the 102-member
    full Senate, the Officialist Liberals, left/center-left, and
    independents number roughly 30.  The addition of -- at most
    -- five "Pastrana" Conservatives to the foregoing still
    augurs for an ample pro-Uribe majority on the legislation.
    In the full House, the numbers are even more strongly
    pro-Uribe, with Uribista Liberals and Conservatives
    accounting for roughly 110 of 166 total members.

    ¶7. (C) However, the bill is politically sensitive and it is
    unclear whether the traditional pro-Uribe/anti-Uribe lineup
    (which favors Presidential initiatives) will prevail.
    Already the debate has led to unexpected political alliances.
     For example, Representative Rocio Arias, an outspoken AUC
    supporter, joined with Senator Dario Martinez, a proponent of
    harsher punishments for the AUC, to propose that the law be
    treated as statutory rather than ordinary legislation.  Many
    strong Uribistas are from areas dominated by the AUC and may
    be pressured to vote for more lenient language.  First
    Committee President Mauricio Pimiento, a native of heavily
    AUC-influenced Cesar Department, voted in favor of allowing
    AUC members to present their views to Congress after Minister
    of Interior and Justice Sabas Pretelt advised against it.
    Vice Minister of Interior Hernando Angarita has said
    privately that Pimiento was attempting to move the GOC toward
    a bill more palatable to AUC leadership.

    ¶8. (C) A persistent rumor in Colombia is that paramilitaries
    exert strong influence over 30 percent of Congress.  The
    figure is probably exaggerated, but the AUC undoubtedly has
    the political sympathy of some members of Congress who
    believe paramilitary actions were initially motivated by
    practical expediency or even patriotism.  The AUC will
    continue to look for ways to leverage its influence.  For
    example, Congressional elections are in March 2006.  Although
    the government reimburses candidates for some election
    expenses, Congressional races are still financed primarily by
    private donations, and the AUC can put a lot of money on the
    table.

    ¶9. (C) Comment: We are seeing some progress in areas where
    the Embassy has been working: longer probation periods,
    removal of obstacles to extradition, and clearer language
    ruling out benefits for activities prior to membership in an
    IAG.

    ---------------
    Articles passed
    ---------------

    ¶10. (U) The following articles have been approved:
    1: Purpose of law is to facilitate collective and individual
    demobilization, rights to truth, justice, and reparation are
    guaranteed, and guerrilla or paramilitary groups are
    eligible.

    3: Defines alternative sentences as replacing an original
    sentence with an alternative sentence provided the
    beneficiary obeys the conditions of law, including
    contributing to national peace, collaborating with the
    justice system, repairing victims, and re-socializing.
    (Pardo supporters voted against.)

    4: Establishes the right to truth, justice, and reparations.

    5: Defines victim.  (Pardo supporters made two textual
    changes.)

    6: Defines the right to justice, including that the state
    must conduct an investigation and take measures to prevent
    new crimes.

    ¶7. Defines right to truth for all victims and specifies that
    the law cannot impede future, non-penal truth mechanisms.

    ¶8. Defines the right to reparation, including restitution,
    compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction, and guarantees
    against future crimes.

    9: Defines demobilization as an individual or collective act
    of disarming and abandoning an illegal armed group.

    39: The State guarantees a victim's right to the
    administration of justice.  (Senator Mario Uribe made a
    textual change.)

    41: In order to protect victims some trials will be closed to
    the public.

    42: Witnesses and their family members will be protected.

    43: Any special needs, especially of children participating
    in the judicial process, will be met.  (Senator Antonio
    Navarro Wolff included women's special needs.)

    44: Beneficiaries are required to give reparations to
    victims.  (Pardo added text.)

    45: The Superior District Court will decide both economic and
    moral reparations.

    46: A beneficiary must fulfill all reparations, including
    restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, and satisfaction
    for victims.  (Pardo removed the requirement to cooperate
    with the National Reparation and Reconciliation Committee.
    Senator Vargas Lleras added minor textual changes.)

    47: Victims can request reparations through the Superior
    District Court.

    48: Restitution implies returning the victim to his state
    before the violation occurred.  This includes return of
    property.

    49: Rehabilitation includes medical and psychological
    assistance for victims and their relatives paid for by the
    Reparations Fund.

    50: Names the measures to be taken to guarantee victims are
    satisfied and crimes against them are not repeated.  The
    measures can include verification of events, search for
    disappeared persons or graves, the Superior District Court
    can order public commemorations, and human rights training
    for perpetrators.

    51: The government must implement collective reparations
    programs to re-establish state institutions in areas affected
    by the violence if advised to so by the Reparations and
    Reconciliation Committee.
    52: A National Reparation and Reconciliation Committee will
    be created.  (Three Congressmen made minor changes.)
    53: The Committee will oversee the alternative sentencing and
    reparation process and conduct a public study on the
    evolution of illegal armed group.  (The Committee's power to
    suggest reparations or revocation of benefits was removed.)
    54: Regional committees will be created to oversee local
    reparations, especially the return of land.

    55: The regional committees will have local and national
    officials.  (Two congressmen made minor changes.)

    56: A reparations fund will be created and managed by the
    Social Solidarity Network (RSS).  (Senator Uribe made a minor
    textual change.)

    57: The RSS will compensate victims with the fund, administer
    the fund, and provide other reparations as needed.

    58: The State is responsible for preserving historical memory
    of the causes and actions of the illegal armed groups.

    59: The Inspector General (Procurador) will keep the archives
    intact.

    60: Public access to the archives is guaranteed except when
    victims need to be protected.
    WOOD

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