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### Viewing cable 04BRASILIA784, BRAZIL: FORTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF MILITARY COUP

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
04BRASILIA784 | 2004-04-01 13:14 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Brasilia

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 BRASILIA 000784

    SIPDIS

    SENSITIVE

    E.O. 12958: N/A
    TAGS: PGOV PINR PREL SOCI BR
    SUBJECT: BRAZIL: FORTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF MILITARY COUP

    REF: BUENOS AIRES 961

    ¶1.  (SBU) Introduction and Summary.  Unlike the
    civil-military contretemps surrounding the 28th anniversary
    of Argentina's military coup (reftel), Brazil has marked the
    40th anniversary (March 31) of its coup in a more circumspect
    fashion.  The monumental transition to full democracy during
    the last two decades seems almost taken for granted in much
    of the coverage, as the Brazilian media has focused on
    unresolved human rights cases, rehashed the conditions that
    led to the military action, and opined on other long-term
    effects of the military's nineteen-year regime.  While
    steadily receding, the military regime era still casts some
    shadows on Brazil-U.S. relations. End introduction and
    summary

    Forty Years Ago
    ----------------

    ¶2.  (SBU)  Mainstream Brazilian news outlets have detailed
    the circumstances and legacy of the 1964 military coup that
    ousted President Goulart and ushered in two decades of
    "General-Presidents."  While bemoaning the military's human
    and civil rights violations, misguided pharaonic projects in
    the Amazon, and ultimately failed economic policies, some
    pundits credit the military presidents for modernizing
    Brazil, and occasionally standing up to the United States.
    This "on the other hand" praise recalls comments by
    then-candidate Lula da Silva in 2002, who credited the same
    military government that jailed him with pursuing strategic
    planning that benefited the country.  Other legacies of that
    era have received less media attention.  These include the
    unwieldy, novel-sized 1988 Constitution -- an over-reaction
    to the dictatorship that hobbled effective governance by
    minutely detailing a vast range of states' and citizens'
    rights -- and the inordinate influence of the regime-endorsed
    opposition party, the PMDB, which evolved into a patronage
    machine that still frustrates presidents today.

    The Military Today
    -----------------

    ¶3.  (SBU)  Not surprisingly, the Brazilian military is
    perhaps the single Brazilian institution most changed since
    the dictatorship era.  The military's experience in
    governance was in large measure controversial and
    frustrating, and today's soldiers want no part in politics.
    The Brazilian armed forces are now securely under civilian
    authority, and willingly play a diminished role in national
    decisionmaking.  Although Brazil's constitution gives the
    military an internal order role in crises, officers no longer
    see themselves as the nation's bulwark against incompetent
    politicians.  Instead, they are keenly focused on
    professionalism, seeking to protect national borders, prepare
    for peacekeeping missions and provide assistance to remote
    populations. The change is widely perceived and public
    opinion polls consistently show the military among the
    country's most trusted institutions, even though its funding
    has plummeted through the years.

    ¶4. (SBU) There remains some negative residue. There is a
    feeling among some older and retired officers that the steps
    the military took to move the country back toward democracy
    are not appreciated today.  And there remains a subtle degree
    of rancor toward the USG, owing to a sense among some older
    officers that the U.S. switched abruptly from supporting the
    military government to condemning it for human rights
    violations.  In addition, the Brazilian military's reluctance
    to take on some counterdrug and crime control missions which
    could involve violent engagement with civilians is reinforced
    by lingering questions about unresolved 1970s
    counterinsurgency-related disappearances.

    Economic Legacy
    ---------------

    ¶5.  (SBU) The most trumpeted positive aspect of the
    dictatorship was its supposed "economic miracle," commonly
    attributed to the direction of state industrial development
    by skilled teams of non-ideological technocrats.  Brazil's
    GDP growth was said to be the world's highest from the late
    1960s until halted by the world oil crisis in the 1970s.  The
    dictatorship completed monster energy and infrastructure
    projects.  The generals also nurtured and protected (with
    rigid market reserves) some key heavy industries (e.g.
    automobiles) and "strategic" production, most notably
    informatics.  (Ironically, it was in part the emphasis on
    protected heavy industries that made the labor movement's
    strikes in the 1970s such effective platforms for the growing
    democratic opposition.)

    ¶6. (SBU)  At the same time, it eventually became recognized
    that the "miracle" did little to lessen Brazil's historic
    curse of poverty and income disparities -- wealth accrued
    mostly to the elite and a slowly broadening middle class in
    the south and also brought benefits to industrial workers,
    but the country's poor grew poorer.  Even the statistics upon
    which the regime based its claims of overall growth
    transpired toward the end to be debatable.  In the context of
    official economic policies and attitudes, Brazil's
    dictatorship left few discernible marks.  Everyone in both
    public and the private sectors here acknowledges that the
    state can never again dispose of the resources to launch a
    broad-based development design.

    Some Lingering Repercussions for U.S. Interests
    --------------------------------------------- --

    ¶7. (SBU)  Some journalists and academics portray the U.S. as
    directly encouraging the coup plotters, or at least having
    foreknowledge of the planning.  Some of the more
    sensationalist publications draw labored parallels between
    1964 and the level of U.S. influence in Brazil today.  But
    other Brazilian reporters note that the USG has provided
    greater access to documents and tape recordings of official
    conversations from that era than are available in Brazilian
    archives, and "O Estado de Sao Paulo's" 31 March edition
    featured an essay by former U.S. Ambassador Lincoln Gordon
    (1961-65)  debunking accusations of USG collusion with the
    coup makers.  Most informed observers have concluded that the
    Brazilian civilian political leadership of that era bears a
    significant measure of responsibility, and that the generals
    and admirals who mounted the coup were prepared to move
    regardless of U.S. signals.

    ¶8. (SBU) Weekly newsmagazine VEJA has pointed out that an
    important legacy of the military regime is the state of
    Brazil's nuclear program.  The dictatorship's failed attempts
    to fabricate a nuclear weapon and its cooperation with Iraq
    and others still color Brazilian policy decisions.  The
    militarization of that program contributed to Brazil's not
    signing the NPT until 1998 and for a time slowed Brazil's
    evolution into a regional non-proliferation success story.

    ¶9.  (SBU)  The coup also indirectly built up the prestige
    Fidel Castro still holds among Brazil's left.  Goulart's
    flirtation with Castro and Che had rankled the Brazilian
    military even before the coup.  Castro's support for the
    failed Brazilian insurgents of the early 1970s and opposition
    political and union movements still endear him to key members
    of the current government, some of whom sought refuge in Cuba
    during the military era, including Presidential Chief of
    Staff Jose Dirceu.

    Water Under the Bridge
    ----------------------

    ¶10. (SBU) Comment. Two of Brasilia's three bridges are named
    after military presidents.  The third and newest commemorates
    a popular civilian president who lost his political rights
    under the military regime and whose death some blame on the
    dictatorship. Brazil's culture, economy, and political life
    still contain many such ironies (e.g., Brazil's
    privately-owned aviation giant EMBRAER began as a parastatal
    sinecure for ex-Air Force officers in 1969, and Foreign
    Minister Amorim and his left-leaning Deputy Minister worked
    for a film parastatal during the dictatorship.).  The harsher
    aspects of the dictatorship and the long return to democracy
    are not forgotten.  However, 40 years since the coup and 19
    years since the return to civilian rule, the military era is
    of less and less relevance to a forward-looking society in
    which a third of the population was born after the
    restoration of democracy.  Brazil's civil and political
    institutions are now fully democratic, the military is a
    respected (if underfunded) professional force, and some of
    the opposition figures of the military era are now running
    the country.

    HRINAK

`