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### Viewing cable 05LIMA5396, FUJIMORISTAS TRYING TO SELL THEIR MAN AS THE

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
05LIMA5396 | 2005-12-21 22:27 | 2011-05-13 00:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Lima
Appears in these articles: elcomercio.pe

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 LIMA 005396

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/20/2015
    TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL PE
    SUBJECT: FUJIMORISTAS TRYING TO SELL THEIR MAN AS THE
    MECHANISM TO STOP HUMALA

    REF: LIMA 5332

    Classified By: Political...

    id: 48368
    date: 12/21/2005 22:27
    refid: 05LIMA5396
    origin: Embassy Lima
    classification: CONFIDENTIAL
    destination: 05LIMA5332
    header:
    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

    ----------------- header ends ----------------

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 LIMA 005396

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/20/2015
    TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL PE
    SUBJECT: FUJIMORISTAS TRYING TO SELL THEIR MAN AS THE
    MECHANISM TO STOP HUMALA

    REF: LIMA 5332

    Classified By: Political Counselor Alexander Margulies.  Reason: 1.4(d)
    .

    ¶1.  (C) SUMMARY:  Ex-President Alberto Fujimori's brother
    Santiago, along with three other members of the Fujimorista
    brain-trust, in a 12/14 breakfast with Polcouns, described
    their movement's strategy for the upcoming elections;
    inquired as to the USG's position on the presidential
    candidacy of ex-President Fujimori, suggesting that the
    latter is the only one who can sidetrack ultra-nationalist
    Ollanta Humala; and complained about alleged political
    persecution and human rights abuses against them (all four
    face criminal prosecutions for their actions during the
    Fujimori regime).  Polcouns replied that the USG views
    Fujimori's eligibility to run for the presidency as an issue
    for the appropriate electoral/judicial authorities to
    determine in accordance with the Peruvian Constitution and
    laws.  With respect to the accusations of political
    persecution/human rights violations, Polcouns said that
    Embassy's Human Rights Officer was prepared to review any
    specific charges, supported by evidence, that the
    Fujimoristas submitted.  END SUMMARY.

    ¶2.  (C)  Ex-Congressman Oswaldo Sandoval hosted a breakfast
    for Polcouns on 12/14.  The other invitees were Santiago
    Fujimori, Jaime Yoshiyama (former President of Congress,
    ex-President of the 1992-93 Constituent Assembly and
    ex-Minister), and Augusto Bedoya (ex-Minister of Transport).
    The four Fujimoristas characterized the meeting as an overdue
    initiative by their movement to establish contact with the
    Embassy so as to keep the USG appraised of the Fujimoristas'
    objectives and strategy.  Santiago Fujimori and Bedoya did
    most of the substantive talking, with Yoshiyama interjecting
    to correct misinformation or provide emphasis to specific
    points.  Sandoval appeared to be the liaison guy, with
    minimal input on policy or organization issues.  (NOTE:
    There are media reports that Bedoya carried out the transfer
    of funds for lease of the aircraft that took Alberto Fujimori
    from Japan to Chile.  END NOTE).

    ¶3.  (C)  According to the four Fujimoristas:

    --  Santiago Fujimori is the undisputed leader of the
    movement in Peru and is in regular communication with his
    brother in Chile.

    --  The four are part of the core Fujimorista brain-trust,
    remaining in the background for two reasons:  (1) politically
    it is more advantageous to have populists like Martha Chavez,
    who appeal to the poorest sectors of the population where
    Fujimori's support is strongest, out front; and (2) the four
    are all involved in business dealings and face criminal
    charges linked to their service with the Fujimori regime, and
    are concerned that their commercial interests would suffer
    and/or they would open themselves to "increased political
    persecution" should they be seen as actively engaging in
    politics.

    --  They are committed to bringing about Alberto Fujimori's
    re-election to the Presidency and inquired as to the USG's
    view on this (Polcouns replied that we consider Fujimori's
    eligibility to run for the presidency to be an issue for the
    appropriate electoral and/or judicial authorities to
    determine in accordance with the Peruvian Constitution and
    laws).

    --  Fujimori's detention in Chile was an unexpected blow and
    damaged the movement politically, but they are hopeful that
    he will be freed on bail in early January, once Peru files
    its extradition request.  Once freed from confinement,
    Fujimori will be in a better position to rally the faithful.

    --  The movement's original strategy was to combine the three
    Fujimorista parties (Si Cumple, Nueva Mayoria, Cambio 90) in
    one alliance.  A 12/6 decision by the National Electoral
    Board's (JNE) Office of Party Organization Registration,
    however, rejected the inscription of the proposed alliance on
    the grounds that Alberto Fujimori, who was proposed as the
    alliance's titular head, was ineligible to occupy this post
    as a result of a 2001 vote by Congress to disqualify him from
    holding public office for 10 years.  The Constitutional
    Tribunal, in a case to which Fujimori was not/not a party,
    subsequently stated that this disqualification also prohibits
    those it covers from running for public office and restricts
    their political rights.
    --  The Fujimoristas at first considered appealing this
    decision to the JNE on the grounds that (1) the 2001 Congress
    vote was insufficient (a simple majority of 37 legislators
    present had voted for the disqualification, while a
    subsequent Constitutional Tribunal decision provided that a
    vote by two-thirds of the Congress -- 80 legislators -- is
    required to remove a president), (2) the Constitutional
    Tribunal ruling interpreting the effect of the 10-year
    congressional prohibition is not/not in accordance with the
    express wording of the Constitution (NOTE:  Article 100 of
    the Constitution empowers Congress to disqualify public
    officials from holding office for up to 10 years, but does
    not specifically state that they cannot run for office.
    Article 10 of the Organic Law on Elections, however, does
    provide that public functionaries disqualified from holding
    office cannot vote or be elected.  END NOTE); and (3) an
    electoral alliance is a private political organization,
    not/not a "public office," and so falls outside the bounds of
    the congressional prohibition.

    --  After due consideration, however, the decision was taken
    not/not to appeal.  This was based first on the brain-trust
    concluding that the key JNE ruling will be on whether Alberto
    Fujimori is eligible to run for office, and that they should
    not expose their legal hand on less important issues.
    Secondly, the Fujimorista leadership realized that splitting
    the proposed alliance in two would enure to their benefit, as
    they would then have a back-up electoral vehicle should the
    JNE disqualify Fujimori.

    --  As a result, Si Cumple will go it alone, presenting a
    presidential ticket with Alberto Fujimori at the top.
    Meanwhile, Cambio 90 and Nueva Mayoria have formed the
    Alliance for the Future (AF for short, Fujimori's initials),
    and will nominate an as-yet undecided ticket that does not
    include the ex-President.  If Fujimori is permitted to run,
    then AF will withdraw its presidential slate from the race.

    --  The Fujimoristas have had discussion with JNE
    magistrates, and believe that the JNE will permit Fujimori to
    run, even though technically he cannot take office.
    (COMMENT:  Polcouns raised the issue of Fujimori's
    eligibility to run for the Presidency with JNE President
    Enrique Mendoza at a 12/14 reception.  Mendoza said that the
    JNE will apply the constitution and law, adding that Article
    10 of the Organic Law on Elections is dispositive.  END
    COMMENT.)

    --  If Fujimori runs and wins the election, they expect that
    the sitting Congress will vote to lift the prohibition on his
    taking office.  If it does not, then the new Congress will do
    so.

    --  If Fujimori is prevented from running, then the
    Fujimoristas do not/not expect to win the presidency, but
    they still hope to win a sizable legislative bloc, which will
    pressure for the disqualification of Fujimori to be lifted.
    (COMMENT:  Keiko Fujimori, the highly popular daughter of
    Alberto Fujimori and ex-Acting First Lady, has announced that
    she will lead the Alliance for the Future.  Presumably she
    will also head its list of congressional nominees.  END
    COMMENT.)

    ¶4.  (C)  The four Fujimoristas claimed that, under their
    leadership, a new Fujimori government would emulate the
    positive actions of Fujimori's first term, while avoiding the
    massive corruption of its second term.  They also emphasized
    that Fujimori was the best bet to stop surging
    ultra-nationalist presidential contender Ollanta Humala,
    noting that many of those shifting to Humala are Fujimori
    supporters disheartened by the ex-President's captivity in
    Chile.

    ¶5.  (C)  Polcouns acknowledged that Fujimorista followers
    seem to be migrating to the Humala camp, but pointed out that
    over the past year Humala's candidacy has been highly
    publicized, if not outright supported, by pro-Fujimori media
    organs like daily "La Razon."  Santiago Fujimori admitted
    that this was the case, indicating that in retrospect this
    was unfortunate.  He then declared that the USG should have
    no/no political concerns over the election of a strong
    Fujimorista legislative bloc, as this would ally itself with
    center-right presidential candidate Lourdes Flores' Unidad
    Nacional alliance, "with whom we have excellent relations,"
    in the next Congress.

    ¶6.  (C)  Santiago Fujimori took the lead in bringing up the
    issue of human rights, arguing that there were "no
    systematic" violations under the Fujimori regime.  He
    declared that the real human rights violations are occurring
    today, with former Fujimori regime officials like those at
    the table being the victims of political persecution.  The
    other three Fujimoristas present firmly assented, with each
    complaining that "unfounded" criminal allegations against
    them are being slowly processed by the criminal justice
    system, negatively affecting their business activities and,
    in some case, preventing them from traveling outside the
    country.  With breaking voice and tears welling in his eyes,
    Santiago resumed his litany of complaints, embarking upon a
    lengthy description of his mother's hardships coping with a
    judicial embargo on her bank accounts and properties.  He
    concluded by asking Polcouns for the USG to recognize these
    alleged human rights abuses.

    ¶7.  (C)  Polcouns replied that he was unaware of the facts in
    the criminal cases against his four interlocutors, but said
    that the Embassy's Human Rights Officer was prepared to
    review any specific allegations and supporting evidence that
    the Fujimoristas cared to put in writing.  Polcouns
    acknowledged that the Peruvian criminal justice system was
    overloaded and inefficient, but observed that this is a
    problem common to most defendants, not just the Fujimoristas,
    noted that some American companies have had problems with
    cases that move at the speed of continental drift, and
    concluded that while this was regrettable, it did not by
    itself constitute a violation of defendants' human rights.

    ¶8.  (C)  COMMENT:  This group of Fujimoristas claim to be the
    real brains and brawn of the movement, but their leadership
    is, in fact, in dispute.  Alberto Fujimori's imprisonment
    clearly has deprived them of the direction they need, and
    their confidence and courage have suffered accordingly.  The
    four looked less like political conspirators planning a
    return to power and more like a group of retired business
    executives sharing drinks at their country club while
    reminiscing about their glory days in the corporate jungle.
    Their presentation to Polcouns was unfocused, shifting from
    topic to topic as the Fujimoristas sought to find an argument
    that would spark a positive response.  In the end, their main
    pitch was that since much of Humala's support seems to be
    coming from voters who previously backed Alberto Fujimori,
    the way to stop Humala is by letting Fujimori run.  While it
    does indeed appear to be the case that Humala has inherited a
    substantial part of the Fujimori vote (Reftel), there are
    other options to wean these voters away from the former
    without promoting the latter.  END COMMENT.
    STRUBLE

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