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### Viewing cable 09SANTIAGO919, Introducing Marco Enriquez-Ominami: Chile's Surprise

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
09SANTIAGO919 | 2009-12-02 17:10 | 2010-12-29 21:30 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Santiago

`

    VZCZCXRO5540
    OO RUEHAO RUEHCD RUEHGD RUEHHO RUEHMC RUEHNG RUEHNL RUEHRD RUEHRS
    RUEHTM
    DE RUEHSG #0919/01 3361710
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    O R 021710Z DEC 09
    FM AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0351
    INFO WESTERN HEMISPHERIC AFFAIRS DIPL POSTS
    RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC
    RUCPDOC/DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHINGTON DC
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC
    RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHINGTON DC
    RUEHC/DEPT OF LABOR WASHINGTON DC
    RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 SANTIAGO 000919

    SIPDIS
    STATE FOR WHA/BSC, WHA/CCA, INR/B, WHA/EPSC, S/P
    STATE PLEASE PASS TO USTR KKALUTKIEWICZ, EBRZYTWA, JKEMP, CSMOTHERS
    COMMERCE FOR DPAREKH, KMANN
    LABOR FOR ILAB--CGAY
    STATE PLEASE PASS TO FEDERAL RESERVE TOM CONNORS
    TREASURY FOR BLINDQUIST
    PENTAGON FOR OSD--MLENIHAN
    AMEMBASSY BRIDGETOWN PASS TO AMEMBASSY GRENADA
    AMEMBASSY OTTAWA PASS TO AMCONSUL QUEBEC
    AMEMBASSY BRASILIA PASS TO AMCONSUL RECIFE

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 2019/12/02
    TAGS: PGOV ECON PINR CI CU
    SUBJECT: Introducing Marco Enriquez-Ominami: Chile's Surprise
    Presidential Contender

    REF: SANTIAGO 755; SANTIAGO 899; SANTIAGO 404

    CLASSIFIED BY: Paul Simons, Ambassador, State, US Embassy Santiago;
    REASON: 1.4(B), (D)

    ¶1. (C) Summary: Thirty-six year old filmmaker and presidential
    candidate Marco Enriquez-Ominami has a cinematic life story:
    father martyred, raised in exile, young Marco returns to home full
    of resentment, marries a TV star, and gets the backing of a
    pro-Castro revolutionary-turned-millionaire to become an unexpected
    political force. In his short political career, Enriquez-Ominami
    has distinguished himself primarily by bucking the political
    establishment and refusing to toe the party line while
    simultaneously leveraging his establishment connections, including
    the influence of his senator step-father and celebrity wife. End
    Summary.

    ¶2. (U) This is the third in a series of profiles of the major
    Chilean presidential candidates. Ref A introduces opposition
    candidate Sebastian Pinera, Ref B highlights Concertacion candidate
    Eduardo Frei. Chile's first round presidential election will be
    held December 13 and the anticipated run-off will be on January 17,
    if required (Ref C).

    Revolutionary Family Ties

    ---------------------------------

    ¶3. (SBU) Marco Enriquez-Ominami's tragic childhood has all the
    elements of a great Hollywood movie: love triangles, political
    intrigue, violence, exile, and eventual reconciliation. Marco
    Enriquez-Ominami Gumucio (then known as Marco Enriquez Gumucio) was
    born June 12, 1973 in Concepcion, Chile to Miguel Enriquez, who was
    the leader of the armed Marxist-Leninist group Movimiento de
    Izquierda Revolucionario (MIR, the Revolutionary Leftist Movement),
    and Manuela Gumucio, a journalist and author. His parents both
    came from the Chilean elite: Gumucio's father was a senator and a
    founder of the Christian Democrat party; the Enriquez family was a
    well-established part of the Concepcion intelligentsia. The
    relationship between Enriquez and Gumucio was a short-lived affair
    that ended before baby Marco was born.

    ¶4. (SBU) After the coup in September 1973, a military decree
    stripped baby Marco and his mother of their Chilean citizenship and
    ordered their expulsion from Chile. Using UN refugee travel
    documents, they sought asylum in France, where they remained until
    ¶1986. Miguel Enriquez remained in Chile and was assassinated by
    Chilean intelligence agents in October 1974. In France, Gumucio
    was a single mother who worked to support herself and her son.
    Young Marco was raised largely by his grandparents, who were also
    exiled in France. Gumucio eventually partnered with Carlos
    Ominami, another MIR revolutionary who sought refuge in France, and
    Ominami adopted Marco. (Marco Enriquez Gumucio changed his name to
    Marco Enriquez-Ominami Gumucio in 2000.)

    ¶5. (SBU) Enriquez-Ominami returned to Chile in 1986 but had
    trouble adjusting. He spoke no Spanish initially and was teased
    and beaten up at school. Although he was more accepted over time,
    he remained something of an outsider. As a young man, he had the
    twin burden of his famous fathers, Enriquez, the revolutionary
    martyr; and Ominami, a "baron of the Concertation" who served as
    Minister of Economy when Enriquez-Ominami was in college.

    SANTIAGO 00000919 002 OF 005

    Enriquez-Ominami studied philosophy at the University of Chile from
    1990-1995 and film direction in Paris in 1996. Enriquez-Ominami
    has spoken of his youthful promiscuity and drug use, and friends
    say that it was only upon becoming a father that he truly settled
    down.

    From Filmmaker to Politician: A "Discolo" is Born

    --------------------------------------------- --------------------

    ¶6. (U) Enriquez-Ominami began his television and film career in
    1998, working as the executive director for the production firm
    Rivas y Rivas. In 2002, he directed his most well-known work, a
    documentary called "Chile, the Heroes are Tired," which criticized
    former leftist Chilean revolutionaries for having compromised their
    ideals once they achieved power. He also became involved in
    politics, working on his father's senatorial campaigns in 1993 and
    1999, Ricardo Lagos' presidential campaigns in 1993 and 1999, and
    municipal elections in 2004.

    ¶7. (SBU) Enriquez-Ominami made his own entry into politics in
    2005, when he won a decisive majority in a Valparaiso district to
    become a member of the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of
    parliament. His supporters proudly point to his charisma as the
    reason why Enriquez-Ominami, running as a Socialist (President
    Bachelet's party), was able to prevail in a district that has
    typically been much more conservative. Detractors highlight that
    he choose to run in the district that his famous and well-respected
    father represents in the Senate, asserting that he essentially rode
    his fathers' coattails into power. In September 2008, his victory
    was tarnished when his campaign chief, Edgardo Lepe, was convicted
    of fraud for misusing public funds to hire workers for the
    campaigns of father and son. (Note: Enriquez-Ominami and his
    father have said they were not aware of the scheme and neither has
    been accused of any wrong-doing. End Note.)

    ¶8. (C) As a politician, Enriquez-Ominami takes pride in his
    independence and non-conformity and is continually described in the
    press as a "discolo," meaning unruly person. However, his failure
    to toe the party line has often created hard feelings among his
    compatriots. In Congress, he snubbed many of his congressional
    colleagues, has occasionally been in shoving matches with enemies,
    and regularly rejects the congressional dining hall in favor of
    eating separately with the other discolos, a group his colleagues
    refer to as "Marquito y su corte de los milagros" (Little Marco
    and his elite circle). Enriquez-Ominami continued his own
    presidential campaign even after his political party, the
    Socialists, officially endorsed Eduardo Frei. (He resigned from
    the party several months later and is now running as an
    independent.) His congressional colleagues have responded in kind
    to Enriquez-Ominami's offenses, declaring him a "bicho raro"
    (wierdo) and never giving him the opportunity to preside over a
    commission, on opporutnity that his other Concertacion colleagues
    have had. Christian Democrat Senator and former presidential
    candidate Soledad Alvear complained privately to Poloff that Marco
    and his ilk never participate in the real work of Congress, they
    just show up to complain about the work that everyone else has
    done.

    The Personality Behind the Politician: Tragedy, Films, and France

    SANTIAGO 00000919 003 OF 005

    --------------------------------------------- ----------------------
    ------------------

    ¶9. (C) Three things define Enriquez-Ominami: his tragic history,
    his filmmaking expertise, and his French education.
    Enriquez-Ominami has had a difficult time coming to terms with his
    personal history. His resentment towards Chile has come to haunt
    him in this campaign, as statements from 2003 have re-surfaced,
    notably that the Chilean flag was "porqueria" (pig shit) and that
    being born Chilean was a tragedy. In more recent years,
    Enriquez-Ominami has combined the storytelling ability he developed
    as a filmmaker with his family background to speak out effectively
    and movingly about his remarkable personal story. Miguel
    Enriquez's legacy seems to loom large in his son's life. Some
    friends have said that Enriquez-Ominami competes with his
    biological father's accomplishments, noting that he decided to
    launch his political career at the age of 30 -- the age at which
    his father died.

    ¶10. (C) Advisor and confidante Max Marambio describes
    Enriquez-Ominami as "a product of his French education," noting
    that he is liberal, self-critical, honest, and free-thinking. He
    also seems to have picked up some of the typical French skepticism
    of the U.S., frequently using the tag line "What is in the best
    interests of the U.S. is not always in best interests of Chile."

    ¶11. (C) Enriquez-Ominami is hard-working and sleeps little, often
    sending emails out as late as 2 a.m. and as early as 6 a.m. in the
    same day, campaign advisors note. He is irreverent and audacious,
    and admits his mistakes easily. Extremely personable, he does very
    well in face-to-face interactions and in media interviews. Perhaps
    because he is so people-oriented, he does not like to deliver bad
    news or reprimands by person, instead sending them by email.

    The Accidental Candidate

    ---------------------------------

    ¶12. (C) Enriquez-Ominami's success thus far has taken even the
    candidate's closest advisors by surprise. Enriquez-Ominami
    confidantes Max Marambio and Deputy Alvaro Escobar told Poloff
    that, one year ago, the presidential candidate was fed up with
    political life and had discarded the idea of running for
    re-election in the Chamber of Deputies. He was seriously weighing
    an offer from Duke University to be a visiting professor of film
    when someone off-handedly suggested that he should leave his
    political career in a blaze of glory: Why not run for president?
    Advisors suggest that Enriquez-Ominami's campaign started as one
    last opportunity to thumb his nose at the political system he was
    so frustrated with, and its success took everyone--even the
    candidate himself--by surprise. To this day, Marambio, Carlos
    Ominami, Ciro Colombara and other close advisors admit that
    Enriquez-Ominami's chances of actually becoming Chile's next
    president are slim. However, they are pleased (and amazed) that
    the campaign has come this far and rightly feel that they have
    already had a great deal of success in changing the political
    debate, particularly in bringing discussion of gay rights and civil
    unions to the public square.

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    Max Marambio: The Wealthy and Controversial "Friend of Fidel"
    Behind Marco's Campaign

    --------------------------------------------- ----------------------
    --------------------------------------------- --------

    ¶13. (C) In a life studded with celebrities and fascinating
    characters, Enriquez-Ominami's chief campaign financier and
    political advisor, leftist revolutionary-turned-millionaire Max
    Marambio, is the most interesting of all. As a young man, Marambio
    joined the MIR and led Salvador Allende's presidential bodyguard
    team. He lived in the Cuban embassy in Santiago for 10 months
    following the coup, before fleeing first to Switzerland and then to
    Cuba, where he studied political science at the University of
    Havana and trained with the Cuban special forces. He participated
    in secret Cuban military and commercial missions to Angola,
    Lebanon, Korea, Central America, and Europe, allegedly including a
    role in hiding Fidel Castro's personal fortune. In the late
    1970s, he began a joint venture food company with the Cuban
    government which eventually became International Network Group, a
    holding company which generates US $80 million in profits in Cuba
    each year from food products and tourism.

    ¶14. (C) Marambio, who told Poloff he was a "close personal friend"
    of Fidel Castro, was also a friend of Miguel Enriquez but passed up
    several opportunities to meet the revolutionary's son. When
    Marambio and Enriquez-Ominami finally met seven years ago, a close
    friendship soon developed: Marambio attended Enriquez-Ominami's
    lavish wedding (making a splash with his helicopter arrival) and
    years later became godfather to Enriquez-Ominami's daughter.
    Although not initially involved in Enriquez-Ominami's presidential
    campaign, Marambio became the key player in July, just as the
    campaign really took off. Today, Marambio is using his large
    personal fortune to finance Enriquez-Ominami's campaign and is the
    candidate's closest political advisor. Despite pouring his time,
    talent, and considerable effort into the campaign, Marambio told
    Poloff he has no political ambitions of his own--he is too busy
    with his extended family, his business, and his two-month-long
    annual vacation in Italy to take a government position.

    Marco's Not-So-Secret Weapon: His Wife

    --------------------------------------------- ----------

    ¶15. (C) While Marambio is the power (and money) behind the throne,
    Enriquez-Ominami's wife, TV star Karen Doggenweiler, is his most
    visible supporter. Doggenweiler, who married Enriquez-Ominami in
    2003, is one of Chile's most well-known and beloved celebrities,
    far eclipsing her husband in terms of name recognition and respect.
    Compared to Eva Peron for her star power (though not for prior
    political involvement), Doggenweiler has hosted a number of
    national television programs, from a morning talk show to a
    boot-camp reality show. Enriquez-Ominami and Doggenweiler have two
    children: 14-year-old Fernanda, Doggenweiler's daughter from a
    previous relationship; and 5-year-old Manuela.

    ¶16. (C) Observers inside and outside the campaign believe that
    Doggenweiler's presence is responsible for much of her husband's
    political success thus far. Christian Democrat leader Soledad
    Alvear asserted that 75% of Enriquez-Ominami's support is from
    people who are really backing his wife, while campaign advisor Ciro

    SANTIAGO 00000919 005 OF 005

    Colombara suggested that Doggenweiler's ability to connect with
    rural and small town voters may be the deciding factor in whether
    or not her husband makes it past the first round election and to
    the runoff. Following criticism that she was capitalizing on her
    continued TV presence to help her husband, Doggenweiler recently
    took a four month leave of absence from work to focus on
    campaigning.

    Comment

    -------------

    ¶17. (C) As a presidential candidate, Marco Enriquez-Ominami has
    been hard to take seriously. Only 36 years old, his scant time in
    public office has been spent disparaging the political system, and
    his major qualifications are his charm, his evocative
    double-barrelled name, and the beautiful and widely admired woman
    by his side. He hardly seems to be a leader that stereotypically
    responsible, sober Chileans would rally around. Thus,
    Enriquez-Ominami's incredible rise has taken everyone by surprise,
    even the candidate's own backers. Yet for voters who are tired of
    Concertacion rule but feel that a vote for conservative candidate
    Sebastian Pinera is a vote for Pinochet's legacy, supporting
    Enriquez-Ominami is a way to vote for change while remaining a
    progressive. While he is a long shot to win the presidency this
    year, he has effectively stirred up the 2009 presidential campaign,
    which otherwise has been dominated by long-standing political
    figures from the center-left and center-right. Assuming he does
    not make it to the second round in the December election, the
    question is what role, if any, will he play in Chilean politics
    going forward. After 20 years in power, the center-left needs
    revitalization, but it remains to be seen if this charismatic but
    mercurial figure with no party backing and little political
    experience will be an effective force in shaping those changes.
    End Comment.
    SIMONS

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