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### Viewing cable 06QUITO2151, NEW DEFENSE POLICY ADDRESSES NARCOTICS THREAT

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
06QUITO2151 | 2006-08-28 19:53 | 2011-05-02 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Quito

`

    VZCZCXYZ0053
    OO RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHQT #2151/01 2401953
    ZNR UUUUU ZZH
    O 281953Z AUG 06
    FM AMEMBASSY QUITO
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 5123
    INFO RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA IMMEDIATE 5916
    RUEHPE/AMEMBASSY LIMA IMMEDIATE 0906
    RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ AUG 0044
    RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA IMMEDIATE 3644
    RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS IMMEDIATE 1968
    RUEHZP/AMEMBASSY PANAMA IMMEDIATE 0629
    RUEHGL/AMCONSUL GUAYAQUIL IMMEDIATE 1038
    RHMFISS/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL

` `

    UNCLAS QUITO 002151

    SIPDIS

    SENSITIVE
    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: N/A
    TAGS: PREL MARR MASS MOPS SNAR PTER EC CO
    SUBJECT: NEW DEFENSE POLICY ADDRESSES NARCOTICS THREAT

    REF: QUITO 02078

    ¶1.  (U) Summary: Since taking office in August 2005, Defense
    Minister Oswaldo Jarrin has attempted to shift the focus of
    Ecuador's defense posture away from its traditional rivalry
    with Peru towards more current national security threats,
    including that of narco-terror on Ecuador's northern border
    with Colombia.  On August 10 he released a 144-page "white
    paper" updating the ministry's 2002 defense policy (which
    Jarrin also spearheaded in an earlier capacity).  In a
    significant departure, the new paper emphasizes the need to
    beef up security along the Ecuador-Colombia border.  Without
    offering operational detail, the paper is being interpreted
    here as favoring a more robust military fight against
    narcotrafficking and illegal armed group activity in Ecuador.

    ¶2.  (U) Civil society leaders have publicly criticized the
    paper, saying that the Ministry failed to sufficiently
    consult them before finalizing the document.  Others contend
    that Jarrin is trying to expand the military's mandate to
    include domestic policing.  Jarrin has rebuffed such critics,
    claiming consultations were conducted in numerous cities and
    that the military is trying to combat external threats which
    have violated Ecuadorian territory.  Our view is that
    Jarrin's efforts to refocus policy towards real security
    threats is positive and supports USG objectives to combat
    narco-terrorist activity in the region.  An important focus
    left out of the white paper, however, is the crying need to
    circumscribe the role of the military as arbiter of irregular
    changes of government.  We are hearing some rumblings that
    Jarrin's paper lacks buy-in from the military rank and file,
    which does not augur well for implementation after his
    departure.  End Summary.

    Jarrin's Defense Policy Released
    --------------------------------

    ¶3.  (U) Defense Minister Oswaldo Jarrin on August 10 unveiled
    the Ministry's "National Defense Policy 2006" to a
    distinguished gathering of high-level GOE officials, foreign
    military attaches, civil society leaders, and diplomats.
    President Alfredo Palacio, Foreign Minister Francisco
    Carrion, and Jarrin addressed the group, all stressing the
    need for a well defined defense policy to combat growing
    transnational crime and to protect national sovereignty.  In
    the event's only departure from script, Palacio was heckled
    by indigenous women from the Amazon region, who denounced the
    government's protection of oil installations from the forced
    entry of human rights demonstrators.

    ¶4.  (U) The U.S. Military Group provided financial assistance
    for the policy update process, allowing the MOD to fly in
    defense dignitaries from Argentina and Chile.  U.S. funding
    also helped to pay for printing of the text and for the
    August 10 unveiling.

    Background on Jarrin and His Paper
    ----------------------------------

    ¶5.  (U) Jarrin, a retired general and former undersecretary
    of defense and chairman of the Joint Staff, is the
    acknowledged mastermind behind the white paper.  Immediately
    after assuming the MOD position in August 2005, Jarrin began
    efforts to update the 2002 defense strategy, which he had
    overseen as undersecretary for national defense under former
    president Gustavo Noboa.  To do so, Jarrin convoked security
    strategists, foreign policy buffs, academics, and civil
    society leaders to discuss the nation's current security
    context for inclusion in the revised policy.  Nevertheless,
    unlike the Foreign Ministry's PLANEX (reftel) efforts, the
    2006 National Defense Policy is not viewed here as the
    outcome of an open consultative process, and insiders suggest
    internal military support for the document is questionable.
    At least during his tenure, however, the document will
    constitute the current national defense agenda.

    ¶6.  (U) Like Carrion, Jarrin is considered one of Palacio's
    strongest ministers.  Jarrin's realistic estimation of the
    regional narco-terrorist threat has made him more in sync
    with regional USG objectives.  Some of our contacts speculate
    that if Leon Roldos (ID-RED candidate) is successful in his
    presidential bid, Jarrin could remain as Defense Minister, at
    least at the outset of the new government.  As a former
    general officer, Jarrin exerts effective control over the
    military ranks, but the civilian Ministry of Defense
    structure supporting him is weak.

    Defense Strategy Explained
    --------------------------

    ¶7.  (U) Jarrin's white paper states that the primary security
    objective of the Ecuadorian military is to preserve peace and
    stability of the state, giving priority to political,
    diplomatic, economic, and other non-military solutions over
    armed conflict.  The paper claims the GOE is open to
    international cooperation to confront security threats.
    Through active participation in the United Nations and the
    Organization of American States, Ecuador seeks to combat
    transnational effects of the narcotics trade, illegal
    trafficking in arms, organized crime, and terrorism.
    Ecuador's response to such threats is shared among the
    Ecuadorian National Police, Customs, National Council for the
    Control of Narcotics and Psychotropic Substances, and the
    Armed Forces, the paper affirms.

    Strategic Objectives Outlined
    -----------------------------

    ¶8.  (U) The white paper outlines actions aimed at protecting
    Ecuadorian territory, population, resources, cultural
    patrimony, and interests, while contributing to regional
    stability.  The document sets out the following strategies to
    achieve the mission:

    -- Neutralize threats against territorial integrity in the
    border regions, at sea, or air.
    --Defend national territory and sovereignty against real and
    potential threats of external aggression.
    --Cooperate with institutions and governmental bodies in the
    case of emergencies.
    --Protect strategic areas.
    --Contribute to democratic institutions to guarantee judicial
    order.
    --Contribute to the preservation of the natural environment.
    --Protect the population, resources, and public services in
    the event of grave internal unrest.
    --Participate in international peacekeeping and humanitarian
    operations.
    --Comply with international conventions and treaties for
    which Ecuador is a signatory.

    Ecuador-Colombia Border: New Focus
    ----------------------------------

    ¶9.  (U) In a significant departure from the 2002 defense
    policy, Jarrin's 2006 update specifically addresses relations
    with Colombia and the security threat along the common
    border.  The paper notes that Ecuador-Colombia relations have
    historically been good, but that differences over Colombia's
    ongoing internal conflict, transnational threats now
    affecting Ecuador, and the Colombian government's posture
    have harmed bilateral relations.  The paper affirms that
    Ecuador's proximity to troubled Colombian territory has
    generated strong pressure to develop a combined military
    strategy, which would depart from Ecuador's policy of
    non-intervention in the affairs of sovereign states.

    ¶10.  (U) The white paper expresses GOE concern that
    narcotrafficking, illegal drug cultivation, environmental
    damage caused by coca eradication, refugee flows, precursor
    chemical trading, money laundering, and further involvement
    of border residents in illicit activities could threaten
    national security, and have serious domestic social,
    political, and economic implications.  Asserting that the GOE
    can not afford to ignore such activity, Jarrin's white paper
    outlines the following priority measures:

    --Demand that the Colombian government exercise better
    control of its border by activating National Centers for
    Border Attention (CENAF), preventing the transfer of illicit
    Activities, and increasing Colombian military presence in the
    vulnerable zones to the north and northeast of Ecuador.
    --Maintain Ecuadorian territory free of cultivation and
    processing of coca.
    --Neutralize illegal armed groups active in Ecuador.
    --Prevent a potential humanitarian disaster for refugees or
    displaced persons in Ecuador.
    --Preserve the natural environment and natural resources from
    the impact of eradication of illicit cultivations (in the
    proximity to national parks - diversity).
    --Initiate development programs for the protection of
    vulnerable populations and the generation of social and
    economic stability.

    ¶11.  (U) The paper cites the Colombian government's decision
    to install a CENAF(which house immigration, customs, and
    other law enforcement agencies) in San Miguel-Putumayo and to
    activate Brigades 27 and 29 and Mobile Brigade 13 in Putumayo
    and Narino as positive.  The paper explicitly acknowledged
    USAID assistance in helping UDENOR to invest $78 m. in social
    and economic development in the troubled region.  The
    Ecuador-Colombia Binational Border Commission (COMBIFRON),
    establish in 1996, remains an instrument of mutual confidence
    preventing government-to-government conflict, the paper noted.

    Reform Discussed without Much Detail
    ---------------------------------

    ¶12.  (U) Jarrin's white paper briefly addresses military
    Reforms in its final chapter.  The paper affirms the
    importance of restructuring the military to better fulfill
    constitutional mandates and new military responsibilities,
    but gives little supporting detail.  Among several vague
    bullet points outlining organizational changes needed, the
    paper notes that the proposed reform to the military's
    authorization law will address unspecified legal and
    structural issues.

    Reaction Mixed
    --------------
    ¶13.  (SBU) MFA Director for Border Relations with Colombia
    Amb. Claudio Cevallos told PolOff on August 22 that he
    considered Jarrin's paper a step towards redefining Ecuador's
    national security threats.  Despite internal anti-Plan
    Colombia sentiments, opportunistic politics, and nationalist
    journalism, Carrion, Jarrin, and others in the GOE are
    pushing a greater security and development focus in the
    border region, he said.  Cevallos praised Jarrin's leadership
    and stressed the need for greater investment in the region to
    keep Ecuador from transforming into a narco-state.

    ¶14.  (SBU) Bertha Garcia, Ecuador's foremost civil-military
    relations analyst and Director for the Democracy and Security
    Foundation at Quito's Catholic University, told PolOff that
    Jarrin's initiatives were "cosmetic" and off the mark.
    Garcia said that the white paper would do little to
    professionalize the military or foster greater respect for
    democratic norms, and warned that the U.S. should not help
    strengthen the military further.

    ¶15.  (SBU) Garcia also criticized the military's involvement
    in the economy, the lack of transparency, and claimed that
    high-level corruption is rampant.  None of these issues is
    addressed in the white paper, she noted.  Garcia agreed that
    the GOE should focus greater attention towards the
    Ecuador-Colombia border, but suggested that the Ecuadorian
    National Police (ENP) should take the lead on internal
    security matters, not Jarrin's military. Garcia admitted that
    she and Jarrin are at odds over her public criticism of the
    armed forces.  She lamented her exclusion from the Ministry's
    security strategy sessions, and said that she had even been
    prevented form participating in some of the MFA's PLANEX
    sessions on security.

    ¶16.  (U) Countering criticism, Jarrin in an August 20
    interview said that his new defense paper seeks to help the
    GOE comply with obligations under the International
    Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and
    Psychotropic Substances and the Inter-American Convention
    Against Terrorism.  Jarrin said that new external threats
    require a "multidimensional" approach in which multiple
    security elements work collectively to ensure national
    security.  He refuted allegations that he seeks to
    inappropriately involve the military in internal policing.

    USG Interests
    -------------

    ¶17.  (SBU) We view the white paper as generally positive in
    shifting the GOE's attention towards real security threats
    posed by transnational criminal and terror groups along the
    northern border with Colombia.  It remains to be seen whether
    the new policy paper will outlive Jarrin's tenure (or whether
    Jarrin's tenure might be extended under a new government).
    Though generally supportive of USG security interests, the
    new policy paper falls flat on another key USG
    interest--limiting the role of the Ecuadorian military in
    irregular changes of government.
    JEWELL

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