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### Viewing cable 05QUITO650, UN ENVOY'S VISIT: ALL POTATOES, NO MEAT

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
05QUITO650 | 2005-03-22 22:10 | 2011-05-02 00:12 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Quito

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 QUITO 000650

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: N/A
    TAGS: PREL PGOV KDEM KCOR EC
    SUBJECT: UN ENVOY'S VISIT:  ALL POTATOES, NO MEAT

    REF: QUITO 585

    ¶1.  SUMMARY:  Attempting to spur dialog toward an eventual
    solution to Ecuador's ongoing court crisis, UN Rapporteur
    Leandro Despouy visited Quito March 13-18 for a series of
    meetings with pro-government forces, political opposition,
    and third-party actors.  Great expectations surrounded
    Despouy's visit, and political bickering between President
    Lucio Gutierrez and his enemies dropped precipitously during
    the envoy's stay.  Initial readouts showed Despouy
    identifying problems, but offering few fixes.  END SUMMARY.

    ¶2.  Despouy, the UN's Geneva-based rapporteur for judicial
    independence, arrived in Quito March 13 with the conflict
    over Ecuador's Supreme Court in full-swing (Reftel).
    Opposition forces were clamoring for the immediate dismissal
    of the current tribunal and its replacement with a less
    "politicized" body, although they differed on specifics.
    President Gutierrez continued to push his referendum
    solution, although he introduced an altered text in response
    to criticism over the original's complexity.  Government
    allies PRIAN and PRE, both benefiting from the current
    judicial lineup, favored the status quo.  Even Ecuadorian
    civil society and NGOs lay divided; although most called the
    current Court illegitimate, others, like Zero Corruption,
    defended it to the hilt.

    ¶3.  All welcomed Despouy's visit, at least publicly (the GoE
    had tried to delay it until April or May, but eventually
    accepted the March date).  The opposition and most media
    outlets claimed the former Argentinean diplomat would, after
    analyzing events of the last four months, declare
    unconstitutional and illegal Congress's actions in revamping
    Ecuador's Supreme, Constitutional, and Electoral Courts.  GoE
    and pro-government forces sought the opposite, of course;
    that Despouy would agree that Ecuador's judiciary had been
    hopelessly politicized, corrupt, and in need of overhaul.

    ¶4.  On behalf of the Ambassador, Poloff attended a UN Mission
    Ecuador-hosted March 16 dinner honoring the visiting
    rapporteur.  Despouy was pleased with the welcome he had
    received from opposition and government alike.  He offered
    that, while Gutierrez initially had fought the visit, he had
    "seen the light" as opposition to the Court mounted -- the UN
    rep might be an ally in the president's bid to remain in
    office, the theory went, not an enemy.

    ¶5.  Complicating his work immensely, Despouy noted there were
    no real "victims" from the recent judicial shenanigans in
    Ecuador, no clearly wronged group.  None of his interlocutors
    (save the ex-jurists themselves) had demanded the old Court's
    return, for example.  Yet new members could only offer
    political justifications, not persuasive legal arguments, for
    the judicial putsch.  Gutierrez and allies deserved blame for
    their quasi-constitutional sackings of Ecuador's highest
    tribunals, Despouy reasoned.  But so did the opposition; the
    envoy believed the court crisis's roots lay in the November
    attempt in Congress, led by former President Leon
    Febres-Cordero, to impeach the president.

    ¶6.  A similar conflict occurring in neighboring nations might
    have spawned violence, Despouy ventured, a compliment to
    Ecuadorians' peaceful natures.  But even Ecuadorians had
    their limits.  Sooner, not later, the nation needed an
    independent, respected judiciary.  Although he favored a
    limited Congressional role and "cooptacion" -- in which the
    Court itself fills any vacancies -- Despouy tabled no
    specific proposals for overcoming the current crisis.

    ¶7.  The rapporteur was similarly vague the following evening.
     Via UN Mission Director Mauricio Valdes, he had sought an
    urgent private meeting with the Ambassador to discuss his
    visit and observation.  Appearing drained, perhaps the
    product of four hours with Gutierrez that morning, Despouy
    downed two scotches in succession and lamented the
    president's weaknesses.  Poor advisors topped the list;
    Gutierrez, himself desiring an amicable compromise, was
    surrounded (and influenced) by cronies who sought
    unconditional surrender.  Congress too was a problem, Despouy
    believed, and the president was correct in fearing
    additional, politically motivated impeachment attempts.

    ¶8.  Despite continuing conflict, the UN envoy believed a
    solution to the court crisis lay ahead, although how far he
    did not mention.  Nor did he reveal details of his action
    plan to the Ambassador.  What would he tell the press upon
    departure, she questioned.  Despouy looked perplexed, as if
    he had not thought so far (12 hours) in advance.

    ¶9.  Speaking before media March 18, the judicial rapporteur
    raised problems, not roadmaps.  He had identified "various
    irregularities, both in dismissing the old Court and naming
    the new."  The Court's most recent, controversial maneuver,
    wresting administrative and disciplinary authorities from the
    National Judiciary Council, also seemed a troubling power
    grab.  And Ecuador's Electoral Tribunal, composed of
    representatives of the nation's largest parties, appeared
    less the electoral watchdog, and more a political pork
    disbursor.

    ¶10.  It was imperative that Ecuador establish rule of law,
    Despouy urged; a critical prerequisite was an independent
    judiciary.  The current Court enjoyed no respect, with even
    Gutierrez calling it temporary.  Any process to replace it
    must be constitutional and transparent, however.  He would
    present his findings to the UN Human Rights Commission upon
    return to Geneva, and would follow up on its findings.  UN
    Mission Quito sources subsequently told the media that
    Despouy soon would present his preliminary report. It
    represented a "warning shot" to the GoE to resolve the
    impasse, fast.

    ¶11.  COMMENT:  We are left believing that Despouy's visit
    mattered not for its concrete advances -- which seem
    nonexistent -- but for its mere occurrence and catalytic
    effects.  Summing our views perfectly was administration
    critic (and regular US-basher) Carlos Vera, who titled his
    March 16 editorial "Stay, Mr. Despouy."  Vera attributed the
    drop in bickering and Gutierrez's call for dialog to the
    rapporteur's attention.  Third-country diplomats attending
    the Despouy dinner March 16 shared Vera's views.  Only the
    United Nations, they believed, could save Ecuador from its
    current mess, like some deus ex machina from an ancient Greek
    drama.  In other words, that the "Emperor wore no clothes"
    mattered nil to a blind (but wishing to see) public.  END
    COMMENT.
    KENNEY

`