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### Viewing cable 06BOGOTA10571, COLOMBIA AND VENEZUELA: TIES THAT BIND

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
06BOGOTA10571 | 2006-11-16 18:06 | 2011-02-23 06:06 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Bogota

`

    VZCZCXYZ0002
    PP RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHBO #0571/01 3201855
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    P 161855Z NOV 06
    FM AMEMBASSY BOGOTA
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0829
    INFO RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA PRIORITY 7275
    RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS PRIORITY 8435
    RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ NOV 8368
    RUEHPE/AMEMBASSY LIMA PRIORITY 4491
    RUEHZP/AMEMBASSY PANAMA PRIORITY 9752
    RUEHQT/AMEMBASSY QUITO PRIORITY 5153

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L BOGOTA 010571

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/07/2016
    TAGS: PREL PTER MARR PHUM CO
    SUBJECT: COLOMBIA AND VENEZUELA: TIES THAT BIND

    REF: BOGOTA 4125

    Classified By: Ambassador William B. Wood
    Reason: 1.4 (b,d)

    -------
    Summary
    -------

    ¶1.  (C) President Uribe sees Venezuela's polarizing,
    anti-U.S. focus as a serious problem, but prefers to manage
    President Chavez rather than confront him.  He works to
    maintain a positive bilateral atmosphere, using joint energy
    projects and trade to create incentives to moderate Chavez'
    behavior.  National security concerns, a large and porous
    border, extensive economic relationships, and significant
    people-to-people ties explain Uribe's outwardly conciliatory
    approach.  He also uses this approach to create the political
    space to permit clandestine cross border operations against
    terrorists and narcotraffickers when required.  End summary.

    --------------------
    "Perfect Hypocrites"
    --------------------

    ¶2.  (C)  Uribe is under no illusions about Chavez.  Uribe's
    close ties with the U.S., as well as his commitment to
    regional economic integration and security cooperation, put
    him squarely at odds with Chavez' Bolivarian revolution.  He
    has emphasized to us the anti-democratic nature of the Chavez
    regime, and criticized Venezuela's lack of cooperation in
    bringing terrorists and narcotraffickers to justice.  GOC
    officials regularly complain that Venezuela allows the FARC
    and ELN to use its territory as a sanctuary, and both groups
    obtain arms and other supplies from across the border.
    Administrative Department of Security Director Andres Penate
    told us Venezuelan anti-terrorism cooperation is low level
    and sporadic.  The Colombian military is concerned by
    Venezuela's recent arms purchases.

    ¶3.  (C) Still, one of Uribe's top bilateral priorities is to
    ensure that Venezuela does not disrupt implementation of his
    democratic security policy.  He wants to minimize Venezuelan
    support for Colombia's terrorist groups, and to avoid
    diplomatic clashes or polarization that would detract from
    his internal security focus.  Hence, Uribe tries to manage
    Chavez rather than confront him.  He regularly meets with
    Chavez in bilateral summits, and respective Foreign Ministry
    and intelligence officials also communicate often.  Uribe
    does not challenge Chavez in multilateral fora.  Instead, he
    seeks to strengthen the economic ties between the two
    countries in an effort to diminish Chavez' leverage over
    Colombia.  Uribe advisor Jose ObdulioGaviria characterized
    Colombia's facade of friendship with Chavez by saying, "we
    are the perfect hypocrites," emphasizing Uribe's use of
    diplomacy to protect national security.

    ¶4.  (C) In part thanks to his emphasis on engagement rather
    than confrontation, Uribe remains able to conduct armed
    action in Venezuela to protect Colombia from terrorist
    attack.  He authorizes clandestine cross border operations
    against the FARC as appropriate, while trying to avoid a
    repeat of the crisis generated by the capture of FARC
    official Rodrigo Granda in Caracas in 2003.  On that
    occasion, Chavez' decision to close the border to trade
    caused substantial economic losses in both countries.  Since
    then, Venezuela has not challenged Colombia on such actions.

    -----------------------------------
    Structural Factors: Border Security
    -----------------------------------

    ¶5.  (C) A number of structural factors help explain Uribe's
    public outreach to Venezuela: a large and porous border,
    extensive trade links, and long-standing people-to-people
    ties.  Colombia's border with Venezuela runs more than
    2,000km and encompasses 10 Departments or States in both
    countries.  Crossing without inspection is easy and routine.
    FARC and ELN forces regularly operate in Venezuela, as shown
    by a mid-October FARC-ELN clash in El Nula, Apure State that
    displaced 200.  Senior ELN figures spend considerable time in
    Venezuela, residing openly in Caracas.  A GOC-ELN peace
    process guarantor told us ELN military commander Antonio
    Garcia has spent most of his adult life in either Europe or
    Venezuela.  Presidential advisor Jose ObdulioGaviria said
    the GOC welcomes Venezuela's "facilitation" of peace talks
    with the ELN because it has no choice.  It is better to have
    Chavez inside the process rather than outside causing
    problems.

    -------------------------
    Structural Factors: Trade
    -------------------------

    ¶6.  (C) Venezuela is Colombia's second most important trading
    partner. Two way trade amounted to 3.3 billion USD in 2005,
    with Colombia enjoying a surplus of some 890 million USD.
    Figures in the first 6 months of 2006 show trade up 23
    percent over comparable 2005 numbers.  Colombian exports to
    Venezuela in 2005 amounted to 9 percent of total exports.
    2006 figures show Colombian exports to Venezuela up 17
    percent over the corresponding 2005 period.  Venezuelan
    purchases are key in important sectors, such as livestock (97
    percent, primarily cattle), meat (93 percent), vehicles (71
    percent), cotton (45 percent), and machinery (35 percent).
    Trade is especially important in border areas.  40 percent of
    Venezuelans registered with their consulate in Bucaramanga
    are independent traders, and the figures for Venezuelan
    consulates in Riohacha and Cucuta are even higher.  Vice
    Foreign Minister Camilo Reyes told us the border economies
    are so inter-dependent that they have created a separate
    border culture.

    ¶7.  (C) Colombia and Venezuela are also cooperating on
    various energy projects, including the USD 300 million La
    Guajira/Maracaibo pipeline that started construction in July.
     Financed entirely by PDVSA, Venezuela hopes to extend the
    pipeline to Panama and beyond to export gas to Central
    America (reftel).  Venezuela has also started discussions
    with the GOC on plans to build an oil pipeline to the Pacific
    (although few knowledgeable people believe a
    Venezuela-Pacific pipeline is economically viable).  Vice
    Minister Reyes and Colombian National Police Intelligence
    Chief Oscar Naranjo told us separately that Chavez' keen
    interest in the pipeline projects has led him to be more
    accommodating of Colombian security concerns.

    -----------------------------------------
    Structural Factors: People-to-People Ties
    -----------------------------------------

    ¶8.  (C) Official Colombian census numbers show that over
    600,000 Colombians, or 1 in 5 of all Colombians residing
    overseas, live in Venezuela.   The IOM's Fernando Calado put
    the real number at almost 1.1 million.  The IOM told us that,
    historically, 70 percent of the Colombians in Venezuela were
    economic migrants, pushed by poor Colombian prospects and
    pulled by Venezuela's oil boom.  In recent years, the numbers
    have been reversed, with most Colombians fleeing for security
    reasons.  This migration has also led to many members of
    Colombia's business and political elites having extensive
    Venezuelan ties.  DAS Director Penate worked in Caracas for
    several years; former Colombian Ambassador to the U.S. Luis
    Alberto Moreno is married to a Venezuelan.  These extensive
    people-to-people ties are reflected in the combined 25
    consulates in each other's country to serve their respective
    citizens.  Colombia's 15 consulates in Venezuela dwarf its
    representation in any other country; In comparison, Colombia
    maintains 10 consulates in the U.S., 6 in Ecuador, and 2 in
    Panama.
    WOOD

`