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### Viewing cable 07THEHAGUE2082, NETHERLANDS/AFGHANISTAN: IT'S OFFICIAL! TWO MORE

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
07THEHAGUE2082 | 2007-12-21 12:12 | 2011-01-17 00:12 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy The Hague

`

    VZCZCXYZ0002
    OO RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHTC #2082/01 3551225
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    O 211225Z DEC 07
    FM AMEMBASSY THE HAGUE
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0844
    INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
    RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA PRIORITY 2743
    RUEHBUL/AMEMBASSY KABUL PRIORITY 0344
    RUEHSI/AMEMBASSY TBILISI PRIORITY 0132
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/CJCS WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/DIA WASHDC PRIORITY
    RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L THE HAGUE 002082

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    STATE FOR EUR/WE, EUR/RPM, SCA

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/20/2017
    TAGS: PGOV PREL NATO AF NL
    SUBJECT: NETHERLANDS/AFGHANISTAN: IT'S OFFICIAL! TWO MORE
    YEARS IN URUZGAN

    Classified...

    "
    135376,12/21/2007 12:25,07THEHAGUE2082,"Embassy The
    Hague",CONFIDENTIAL,,"VZCZCXYZ0002
    OO RUEHWEB
    DE RUEHTC #2082/01 3551225
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    O 211225Z DEC 07
    FM AMEMBASSY THE HAGUE
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0844
    INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
    RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA PRIORITY 2743
    RUEHBUL/AMEMBASSY KABUL PRIORITY 0344
    RUEHSI/AMEMBASSY TBILISI PRIORITY 0132
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/CJCS WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/DIA WASHDC PRIORITY
    RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
    ","C O N F I D E N T I A L THE HAGUE 002082
    SIPDIS
    SIPDIS
    STATE FOR EUR/WE, EUR/RPM, SCA
    E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/20/2017
    TAGS: PGOV PREL NATO AF NL
    SUBJECT: NETHERLANDS/AFGHANISTAN: IT'S OFFICIAL! TWO MORE
    YEARS IN URUZGAN
    Classified By: CDA Andrew Schofer, reasons 1.4 (b,d)

    ¶1. (C) Summary: The GONL obtained broad support on December
    20 from the Dutch parliament in favor of extending its ISAF
    mission in Uruzgan province until December 2010. This
    officially brings to a close months of internal Dutch
    deliberations on the controversial extension issue, and
    ensures that the Dutch troops will remain committed to
    Uruzgan for the next three years despite serious political
    misgivings and a lack of popular support at home. End
    summary.

    ¶2. (C) The Dutch parliament on December 20 officially gave
    its consent to an additional two-year plus extension of its
    ISAF mission in Uruzgan from August 2008 until December 2010,
    voting down by a count of 98 to 42 (with 10 absences) a
    motion by the Socialist Party to withdraw troops at the end
    of the current mandate. While parliament does not
    constitutionally have the authority to approve any Dutch
    deployment overseas -- and votes represented in parliament by
    the coalition parties technically gave the GONL a majority --
    the GONL nevertheless stressed the political importance of
    garnering broad support for the mission. (Note: According
    to Dutch Parliamentary tradition, members planning to be
    absent from an important vote ""twin"" with a member from the
    opposing side. Had all members been present, therefore, the
    vote would have been 103 in favor to 47 against -- slightly
    more than a two-thirds majority. End note.)

    ¶3. (C) The GONL obtained this broad support when the
    opposition Liberal Party (VVD) and Political Calvinist Party
    (SGP) joined coalition parties the Christian Democratic
    Alliance (CDA), the Labor Party (PvdA), and Christian Unie
    (CU). As the largest and most influential opposition party
    on the right, VVD's support was crucial. Throughout the
    debate, VVD Foreign Affairs spokesperson Hans van Baalen
    consistently asked the GONL to justify the new mission in
    terms of improved structure, financing, new contributions
    from other partners, sufficient transport and Allied support
    to extract Dutch troops in case of an emergency, and clarity
    of the Afghan government's promise to deploy security forces
    to Uruzgan.

    ¶4. (C) Despite GONL efforts to satisfy van Baalen's concerns,
    VVD's support for the new mission was not assured until the
    parliamentary debate over the extension on December 17.
    Former Defense Minister and still influential VVD
    parliamentarian Henk Kamp insisted on upholding the original
    agreement between NATO and the Netherlands consisting of a
    two-year deployment to August 2008 -- as indicated by a
    December 2005 letter from former SACEUR Gen. Jones to Dutch
    CHOD Gen. Berlijn. Key demands for VVD's continued support
    included a clear exit by Dutch troops from Uruzgan by
    December 2010 and recognition by NATO that it is responsible
    for finding a successor to the Dutch, as well as the
    understanding that the GONL will not participate in any other
    major peacekeeping operation until 2010. Ultimately, van
    Baalen was satisfied by the GONL's case to remain in Uruzgan
    -- including especially the promise that new or unforeseen
    costs associated with the extension would not affect the
    defense budget -- and pledged his party's unanimous support.

    Strong Government Case
    ----------------------

    ¶5. (C) During three rounds of parliamentary debate on
    December 17-18, the GONL confidently pitched the case in
    favor of extending, answering 577 questions submitted by
    parliament on the matter. FM Verhagen said he had received a
    letter from NATO SYG de Hoop Scheffer acknowledging that
    Dutch troops will leave Uruzgan by December 2010. Verhagen
    reiterated that he informed his counterparts at the NATO
    foreign ministerial on December 10 the Dutch would withdraw
    by December 2010. He also made clear that the Netherlands
    would not participate in any other major operation that might
    affect the Dutch deployment in Afghanistan. Verhagen
    stressed the importance of the international community
    reviewing its collective long-term efforts in Afghanistan,
    including specifically a ""master strategy"" -- he said this
    will be discussed at the upcoming NATO summit in Bucharest.

    ¶6. (C) Defense Minister van Middelkoop argued that the
    extended mission will not harm Dutch military readiness, and
    made several reassurances regarding the Australian
    partnership and the quality of various contributions from
    France, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. He had
    hoped for additional partners, but did not foresee any
    problems working with these contributions, and suggested that
    the Czech Republic might be willing to extend its
    parliamentary mandated six-month deployment to a year. Van
    Middelkoop was confident that the GONL could finance the new
    mission, including 370 million Euros of additional funding
    per year. Development Minister Koenders made the case in
    favor of meaningful reconstruction despite the challenging
    security situation. He noted that the Uruzgan PRT would be
    placed under civilian leadership by August 1, 2009.

    Opposing View
    -------------

    ¶7. (C) The Socialists and Green Left led the charge opposing
    the extension, arguing that parliament was deliberately
    misled to support a ""combat"" mission in the guise of
    reconstruction. Green Left floorleader Halsema argued that
    the ISAF mission -- in conjunction with OEF -- has enabled a
    corrupt Karzai government, and has been responsible for
    unnecessary civilian casualties. Geert Wilders and his Party
    for Freedom (PVV) also opposed the mission, but for different
    reasons. Wilders said he supported the ISAF mission, but
    felt that the Netherlands had ""done its fair share"" -- time
    for another Ally to step up and serve in the south. The GONL
    had hoped to persuade D-66 to join proponents of the
    extension, but D-66 floorleader Pechtold cited the absence of
    a clear strategy among NATO, the UN, and the EU as the main
    reason why he opposes a new mission.

    ¶8. (C) In all, the Socialist Party (SP), Green Left, PVV, D66
    and the Party for the Animals opposed the mission.
    Opposition actually grew in comparison to the initial
    mission, due primarily to election gains by the Socialists
    and Green Left in the last election, and votes lost by VVD to
    Wilders' PVV off-shoot. Opposition parties sponsored four
    total motions on the extension: withdrawing Dutch troops by
    August 2008 (SP), conveying disappointment to NATO over
    perceived lack of support (SP), publicly releasing the
    December 2005 letter from former SACEUR Gen. Jones to Gen.
    Berlijn (D-66), and calling for better compensation for
    victims of civilian casualties (Green Left) -- all four
    motions were voted down. Rita Verdonk, who until recently
    had been a member of VVD, also voted against the extension.

    Something All Could Agree On
    ----------------------------

    ¶9. (C) Parties all across the political spectrum expressed
    deep dissatisfaction with NATO and the lack of solidarity in
    supporting the Dutch extension in Uruzgan. Proponents of the
    extension were quick to thank the French, Czechs, Slovaks,
    Hungarians and Georgians, but questioned why other Allies had
    not agreed to do more. PvdA spokesperson Martijn van Daam
    noted disappointment with NATO partners; VVD spokesperson van
    Baalen called on greater Allies powers -- such as Germany --
    to do more. Critics made the perceived lack of NATO
    solidarity a centerpiece in their opposition to the
    extension. Wilders based his decision solely on this point;
    D-66 spokesperson Pechtold described the lack of solidarity
    as damaging for NATO, and creates a false sense of security
    for the people of Uruzgan. The Socialists accused NATO of
    ""not keeping its part of the bargain,"" as evidenced by the
    Jones-Berlijn letter.

    Public Opinion
    --------------

    ¶10. (SBU) Despite the broad support in parliament, Dutch
    public support for the extension remains low. According to
    the latest opinion polls, 43 percent oppose any extension,
    approximately 25 percent are in favor, with the remaining
    almost 33 percent feeling indifferent.

    ¶11. (C) Dutch media coverage has been mixed, largely ignoring
    the extension story once it became clear the GONL would
    obtain a strong parliamentary majority. Most major dailies
    focused on the latest developments in the Dutch Hell's Angels
    trial or Dutch soccer team AZ's loss in UEFA Cup play. Dutch
    daily Trouw (center-left) welcomed the extension, accused
    Wilders' of political opportunism, and deplored D-66's
    opposition in light of its long international tradition. The
    Trouw editorial suggested that stabilizing Afghanistan is a
    long-term effort, and therefore questioned GONL's decision to
    ""call it a day"" in 2010. It criticized the GONL for
    ""operating clumsily,"" while NATO Allies demonstrated ""little
    solidarity"" with the Netherlands.

    ¶12. (SBU) Dutch newspaper NRC Handelsblad (center-left)
    called for tempered expectations in the next two years,
    especially as ""not much"" has come from reconstruction efforts
    thus far. This editorial highlighted the importance of
    adopting an Afghanistan ""master plan"" at the NATO summit in
    Bucharest. Dutch daily Telegraaf (center-right; largest
    circulation in Netherlands) supports the extension, and
    published holiday wishes from most members of Cabinet on its
    front page, emphasizing support and respect for Dutch
    soldiers serving in Afghanistan.

    ¶13. (SBU) FM Verhagen acknowledged that the wide support in
    parliament for the extension is not reflected in the Dutch
    population -- ""at times, (parliament's) views will not
    reflect the opinion of a majority of the population."" He
    said he will focus on generating broader Dutch public support
    for the extension.

    Comment: Two Years is Two Years?
    --------------------------------

    ¶14. (C) For all the drama (public flubs by van Middelkoop and
    Berlijn) and delays (GONL assurances that the decision would
    be complete by what seemed like an endless summer) associated
    with this extension question, the GONL once again did a
    masterful job of forcing a difficult decision with low public
    support through the Dutch parliament on a tight schedule. A
    key point in gaining the support of many parliamentarians was
    the promise that Dutch troops will leave Uruzgan by December
    ¶2010. However, the GONL decision mentions nothing of
    possible Dutch missions in other Afghan provinces, or a
    continued Dutch civilian presence in Uruzgan. According to
    MFA Task Force Uruzgan Coordinator Pieter-Jan Kleiweg on
    December 21, ""the door purposefully remains open"" -- and a
    lot can happen in two years time.
    Schofer

`