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### Viewing cable 10BAGHDAD112, SENIOR MFA OFFICIAL ON MOTTAKI VISIT AND IRAQ-IRAN

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
10BAGHDAD112 | 2010-01-17 09:09 | 2010-12-05 12:12 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Baghdad

`

    VZCZCXRO0554
    PP RUEHBC RUEHDH RUEHKUK RUEHTRO
    DE RUEHGB #0112/01 0170925
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    P 170925Z JAN 10
    FM AMEMBASSY BAGHDAD
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6146
    INFO RUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
    RUCNRAQ/IRAQ COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
    RUEHAK/AMEMBASSY ANKARA PRIORITY 0692

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 BAGHDAD 000112

    SIPDIS

    DEPARTMENT FOR NEA/FO LIMBERT AND CORBIN; NEA/I AND NEA/IR.
    NSC FOR TALWAR, MAGSAMEN, PHEE, AND VROOMAN.

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/12/2020
    TAGS: PGOV PREL IR TU IZ
    SUBJECT: SENIOR MFA OFFICIAL ON MOTTAKI VISIT AND IRAQ-IRAN
    BORDER DISPUTE

    REF: A. BAGHDAD 3326
    ¶B. 09 BAGHDAD 2237

    Classified By: Acting Political M/C Yuri Kim for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d )

    ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Ambassador Taha Shukr Abbassi, the head of
    the Iraqi MFA's Neighboring Countries' division (A/S
    equivalent), made the following comments regarding Iranian FM
    Mottaki's visit and the recent oil field dispute between Iraq
    and Iran: (1) Mottaki promised to fully withdraw Iranian
    soldiers from the disputed oil field (ref A) and pressed the
    GOI to conduct joint surveys of the Iran-Iraq border; (2) the
    Iranians have not yet withdrawn their soldiers; (3) GOI
    technical survey teams will begin their work once Iranian
    soldiers fully withdraw; (3) the incident has tarnished
    Iran's standing among many Iraqi Shi'a supporters; (4) the
    GOI does not recognize the 1975 Algiers Accord governing
    border issues and would like to negotiate a new or amended
    agreement with Iran; (5) Iran, unlike Turkey, is slow in
    fulfilling its promises and implementing bilateral
    agreements; and (6) Iraq recognizes the need to proceed
    patiently and diplomatically in its dealing with Iran to
    ensure a peaceful outcome to these and other disputes. END
    SUMMARY.

    Iranian Troops Still Present
    ----------------------------

    ¶2. (C) On January 13, Ambassador Taha Shukr Abbassi met with
    Post's Deputy Political Counselor and Senior Iran Watcher to
    discuss FM Mottaki's recent visit in light of the Fakka oil
    field incident. Abbassi, a career diplomat who has had
    extensive dealings with the Iranians, confirmed that FM
    Mottaki pressed the GOI during his visit to resume the work
    of a technical committee tasked with conducting joint surveys
    along the Iran-Iraq border, including the maritime border.
    FM Mottaki offered assurances of Iranian troop withdrawal
    from the disputed oil field; however, the continued presence
    of Iranian troops called into question Iran's willingness to
    deliver on its promises, Abbassi complained. He added that
    the Iranian incursion has undermined Iran's standing among
    many Iraqi Shi'a supporters, who viewed the dispute as
    nothing more than typical Iranian aggression and interference
    in Iraqi affairs.

    ¶3. (C) Abbassi criticized Mottaki for failing to keep his
    promise and said the work of the two GOI technical teams
    (land and water) would only begin once all Iranian troops
    have fully withdrawn from the disputed area. Abbassi
    asserted that the work of the committees "will take years to
    complete" given the complexity of the terrain and the
    security risks posed by landmines that are scattered along
    the border areas since the Iran-Iraq war. Senior MFA
    Advisor Mohammed al-Haj Hamoud told DCM the same day that the
    Iraqis had been ready to allow the working groups to start
    their work, even with the less-than-complete Iranian border,
    "We're only talking about a 100 meters or so and the border
    area is admittedly undefined," but then the Iranians moved in
    high-powered lights and a small piece of artillery.
    Following that, FM Zebari had ordered the teams to stand down
    at present, said Haj Hamoud, adding that an additional
    "partial withdrawal, a gesture" might be enough to get the
    work back on track. (NOTE: USG satellite imagery confirms
    the continued presence of Iranian troops approximately 75-100
    meters inside Iraq. Imagery has also captured what appears
    to be Iranian construction activity, including the
    Qto be Iranian construction activity, including the
    establishment of a small building near the troop outpost.
    END NOTE)

    Iran Not As Reliable As Turkey
    ------------------------------

    ¶4. (C) Describing Iran's intransigence as usual Iranian
    stubbornness and inefficiency when it comes to implementing
    agreements, Abbassi said that over a year ago, he personally
    presented Mottaki with a non-paper proposing a new way
    forward on Iraq-Iran relations, focusing largely on bilateral
    issues such as borders, maritime rights, natural resources,
    etc. The paper was intended to wipe the slate clean for both
    countries, who technically remain in a state of war following
    the cessation of hostilities in 1988. "We have not heard back
    regarding the paper," Abbassi lamented. "The Iranians still
    feel that they are dealing with the same Iraq that Saddam
    dominated for so long. But we are a very different country
    now," Abbassi said in trying to explain lingering Iranian
    suspicions about GOI intentions. In comparison, Abbassi

    BAGHDAD 00000112 002 OF 002

    applauded the efficiency of the Turkish government in its
    dealings with Iraq, stating that "Turkey is very good at
    following-up and keeping promises."

    Algiers Accord Obsolete
    -----------------------

    ¶5. (C) Abbassi commented that the GOI does not accept or
    formally recognize the 1975 Algiers Accord that was signed
    between then-Vice President Saddam Hussein and the Shah of
    Iran. Abbassi noted that Saddam himself literally tore up
    the agreement during the war with Iran and that no current or
    future Iraqi parliament would ratify the agreement in its
    present form. (NOTE: The agreement was ratified under Iraqi
    President al-Bakr's government and subsequently registered
    with the UN. END NOTE.) According to Abbassi, the GOI would
    welcome a new or amended agreement that takes into account
    existing political and geographic realities, notably with the
    Shatt-al-Arab waterway since 1975. However, the Iranians are
    reluctant to renegotiate because they fear losing territory
    and waters claimed in the Shatt al-Arab, which a new
    demarcation would likely not recognize, Abbassi said. (NOTE:
    Despite repeated condemnation of the Algiers Accord by
    numerous GOI officials, the GOI has never made use of any of
    the dispute resolution mechanisms contained in the agreement,
    nor made any attempt to legally terminate the agreement. END
    NOTE.)

    ¶6. (C) Abbassi asked about what military support, if any,
    the USG would be obliged or willing to provide to Iraq under
    the Security Agreement in the event of future aggression by
    any of its neighbors. He also encouraged greater USG public
    statements condemning Iranian aggression as a violation of
    international law in order to demonstrate to the Iraqi public
    the USG's moral support for Iraq's territorial integrity.
    Abbassi underscored that Iraq's relations with Iran will
    require patience and diplomacy given historic grievances and
    lingering suspicions.

    COMMENT
    -------

    ¶7. (C) Water and border disputes will continue to define
    Iran and Iraq's broader bilateral agenda as Iraq regains its
    political footing and maturity. Iran's reluctance (and
    discomfort) in dealing with Iraq as an equal partner on
    sensitive issues of broader public concern (water rights,
    borders, trade) are likely to further erode GOI and Iraqi
    public confidence in their closest neighbor's intentions and
    "goodwill". Abbassi's comments highlight the challenges he
    and other technocrats face in their dealings with Iran. It
    is also increasingly apparent that both sides realize that
    their bilateral dealings are driven less by a shared Shi'a
    heritage and more by real-world priorities and diverging
    interests.

`