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### Viewing cable 09BAKU744, LORDS OF THE MOUNTAINS" WILL FIGHT NO MORE FOREVER

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
09BAKU744 | 2009-09-18 06:06 | 2010-12-03 21:09 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Baku
Appears in these articles: http://www.spiegel.de

`

    VZCZCXRO8662
    RR RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK RUEHTRO
    DE RUEHKB #0744/01 2610632
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    R 180632Z SEP 09
    FM AMEMBASSY BAKU
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 1757
    INFO RUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVE
    RUEHIT/AMCONSUL ISTANBUL 0148
    RHMFISS/CDR USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL
    RHMFISS/CDR USEUCOM VAIHINGEN GE
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC
    RUEKDIA/DIA WASHDC
    RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC
    RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
    RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC

` `

    C ONFIDENTIAL SECTION 01 of 03 BAKU 000744

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/16/2019
    TAGS: PGOV PHUM ECON EAGR AJ IR
    SUBJECT: "LORDS OF THE MOUNTAINS" WILL FIGHT NO MORE FOREVER

    Classified By: Pol/Econ Counselor Rob Garverick, Reasons 1.4 (a) and (d
    )

    Summary
    --------------

    ¶1. (C) The Kashgai are a little-studied, semi-nomadic
    Turkic minority in Iran with a history of anti-government
    resistance. Recent interviews with Kashgai members,
    supplemented with information from other Iranians, suggest
    that most of the 1.5 million Kashgai, while still poorly
    educated and impoverished, are adapting to many aspects of
    modern life, including the internet. While many Kashgai
    still seek to preserve their traditional migratory ways,
    urbanization of Kashgai appears to be increasing. Tehran's
    abandonment of forced settlement policies in favor of
    economic incentives for those who wish to settle, and
    improved education and economic infrastructure, has reduced
    Kashgai-Tehran tension, and encouraged voluntary settlement
    trends. Memories of the brutal repression of Kashgai
    resistors in the 1980's, combined with improved economic
    status and increased integration with the outside world have
    also reduced temptations toward unrest. Today, only about
    one third of the Kashgai are actively maintaining their
    traditional tribal and migratory lifestyle, though cultural
    traditions remain strong. Though proud to be Kashgai, there
    is no meaningful autonomy movement, and self identification
    of Kashgai as also being "Iranians" is increasing. According
    to sources, most Kashgai are satisfied with the current
    system and probably voted for Ahmadinejad. Once the stuff of
    village nightmares, the modern Kashgai are largely
    apolitical, peaceful, patriotically Iranian, and the object
    of increasing tourism. End Summary.

    ¶2. (C) Baku Iran watcher met separately with two Iranian
    Kashgai minority members,xxxxxxxxxxxx Both grew up in traditional Kashgai
    households (though the former ran away to be educated as a
    teenager). Taken together, the two sources (both unknown to
    each other), provided interesting social and political
    perspectives on this significant but comparatively
    little-known Iranian minority group. The following account
    of current life and attitudes among the Kashgai is taken from
    these interviews and supplementary conversations with
    non-Kashgai Iranians.

    Lords of the Mountains
    ------------------------------

    ¶3. (SBU) The Kashgai (AKA Qashgai) are a 400-year old Turkic
    language tribal confederation numbering approximately 1.5
    million people. Their lifestyle, still pursued by a majority
    of members, is based on nomadic sheep and goat herding.
    Traditionally famed as fiercely independent "Lords of the
    (Zagros) Mountains," the Turkish-speaking Kashgai
    historically maintained a tense relationship with the mainly
    Persian-speaking villagers and farmers through whose
    territory they traveled, traded, and (sometimes) raided, and
    by whom they were regarded with hostility and fear. Today,
    about a third of the Kashgai herders and their families still
    live a semi-nomadic lifestyle, moving over 300 kilometers
    twice a year between summer and winter pasture areas located
    outside of Isfahan and Shiraz, respectively. Other Kashgai
    have combined herding with sedentary farming, or moved to
    urban centers or abroad. Some of these remain sentimentally
    attached to the old lifestyle, and seek to maintain ties with
    it in some fashion.

    ¶4. (SBU) Thirty years ago the twice-a-year seasonal trek
    took three months each way; now some Kashgai travel in two
    days by truck to the pasture areas, and make camp while
    awaiting the arrival of the herds (which are sometimes also
    moved by truck, but over a longer time period, stopping
    frequently for road side forage). Camels and horses are
    still part of Kashgai life, but reportedly are more and more
    regarded as "status symbols" items rather than necessities.
    Families often pool income, and sources noted that some
    normally city-based wage earners also return for short
    periods to participate in festivals and assist with the herd
    movement and resettlement.

    ¶5. (SBU) The Kashgai are historically among Iran's most
    turbulent minority groups, engaging in repeated twentieth
    century incidents of massive armed resistance against central

    BAKU 00000744 002 of 003

    government policies and control as late as 1982; a Persian
    Isfahani related that his grandfather was decorated by the
    Shah for organizing local villagers to fight them.
    Long-standing efforts by the Iranian state to force their
    permanent settlement were largely abandoned after the fall of
    the Shah, when many forcibly settled Kashgai abandoned
    farming and returned to their traditional herding ways.
    Although the Kashgai's previously exiled, anti-Shah
    traditional leaders were initially embraced by Khomeinei,
    they rejected Islamic rule and perceived efforts by the new
    regime to enforce settlement. After a government-broken
    peace treaty, the returned exile Khosrow Khan and many other
    prominent Kashgai (including its Majlis members) were hanged
    by the Revolutionary Guard in 1982. The last widely accepted
    Ilkhan (tribal high chief) renounced politics, and died a
    natural death in 1984. The Persian Isfahani said that today
    the Kashgai are widely viewed by other Iranians as a "simple,
    honest, hospitable people who are easy to cheat."

    "The Days of the Khans are Over"
    -------------------------------------------

    ¶6. (C) While both sources said that hereditary tribal and
    clan leaders still command respect, and often serve as
    informal adjudicators on internal Kashgai matters, xxxxxxxxxxxx
    stated flatly that "the day of the Khans is over." xxxxxxxxxxxx
    claimed that while Khosrow Khan is still regarded as
    a hero by many Kashgai, mentioning his name in public is
    forbidden," and could lead to arrest or other problems. He
    stressed that most Kashgai are not focused on politics,
    although asserting that awareness of and pride in their
    cultural distinctiveness is high. He added that increased
    literacy, internet access, tourism, and a growing
    international diaspora have buttressed previously declining
    cultural practices, especially handicrafts, dancing, and
    music. He said that he himself is active with urbanized and
    diaspora Kashgai in creating websites and publishing
    magazines targeting a Kashgai audience. He also helps market
    Kashgai international and domestic tour packages that include
    sleeping in tents, dancing and music performances, hiking and
    riding excursions, etc. "Economics is achieving what force
    could not achieve," observed xxxxxxxxxxxx.

    Liking Karroubi, Voting Ahmedinejad
    --------------------------------------------- ----

    ¶7. (C) Both sources opined that the large majority of
    Kashgai personally like Mehdi Karroubi, regarding him
    favorably as an ethnic Lur with sympathy and understanding
    for their traditions. However, both stressed that most
    Kashgai are apolitical and pragmatic, and focused on their
    immediate personal situation, not larger issues. For this
    reason, they opined that most Kashgai probably voted for
    Ahmadinejad, as a result of gratitude for improved health,
    education, and infrastructure services and/or monetary
    inducements. Overall, they opined that most Kashgai have
    little interest in the election issue, seeing it as "Tehran's
    business."

    ¶8. (C) Both sources related approvingly that since the
    mid-1980,s the central regime has moved away from forced
    settlement to more relaxed and nuanced policies allowing
    peaceful herding to be pursued, but offering economic and
    social incentives (including free housing, electricity, and
    cash subsidies) for those who are willing to settle.
    Education is mandatory for all children until the age of
    twelve; many are taught in tent schools by teachers
    (sometimes also Kashgai) who travel with the community. The
    merchant said that school curricula include instruction in
    officially "correct" Islamic religious beliefs and rituals,
    and "teach Persian (not Kashgai) history, language, and
    culture." According to sources, few Kashgai focus on
    religion or seek clerical careers, and mostly Persian mullahs
    who teach religion or visit to proselytize are "tolerated,"
    but not followed. Kashgai women work outside and do not
    wear the chador except when visiting towns.

    Economic Conditions
    ---------------------------

    ¶9. (C) Both sources noted that pursuit of education beyond
    age twelve is becoming more common, though this often
    requires abandonment of the transhumant lifestyle, and is
    still resisted by some adults as a source of alienation.

    BAKU 00000744 003 of 003

    Defying clan elders runs the risk of becoming an outcast.
    xxxxxxxxxxxx who ran away at sixteen, to avoid a forced marriage
    and obtain further education, said that it took many years
    for him to reforge links to the community. Both said that
    many young Kashgai males now seek work as unskilled labor in
    the cities, providing remittances and returning periodically
    to help out the family. Many of these end up in Turkey,
    where employment opportunities are better and their native
    language is understood. Others try to make it to Europe or
    North America, legally or not. He noted that most young
    Kashgai are internet-literate, and are utilizing the internet
    to create and follow Kashgai websites promoting information
    on Kashgai traditions and culture, connecting to the
    diaspora, and assisting with job searches and other economic
    issues. He said that Kashgai young also use the internet to
    tap into international mass (mainly youth) culture sites xxxxxxxxxxxx
    claimed that many young herders "follow the NBA... and
    listen to rap."

    ¶10. (SBU) Some Kashgai seek education to become health
    workers or teachers, others become unskilled workers or seek
    work with traders shuttling back and forth from towns where
    they specialize in selling Kashgai carpets and handicrafts to
    Iranians and foreigners. The resulting remittances are used
    by their families to buy trucks and other more expensive hard
    goods; less expensive hard goods and consumables are still
    acquired through barter of fresh meat and live sheep to
    (mainly Persian) villagers and merchants. Government
    subsidies, good prices for lamb and wool, and sale of
    handicrafts have combined to increase Kashgai prosperity in
    recent years, though most are still impoverished. While
    Kashgai carpets are world renowned, xxxxxxxxxxxx
    observed that most of the income from this business does not
    reach the Kashgai, since most of the Kashgai handicraft
    business is in the hands of non-Kashgai merchants and
    government buyers. xxxxxxxxxxxx claimed that Kashgai
    carpets that take several months to make and retail for more
    than a thousand dollars typically earn its (generally female)
    maker as little as fifty dollars.

    "We are Iranians"
    ----------------------

    ¶11. (C) Despite sporadic central government efforts to
    obstruct tribal movements, enforce Persian norms of Islam and
    strict dress codes for women, and exact excessive bribes,
    both sources denied that severe state-Kashgai tensions exist,
    and portrayed the Kashgai as politically quiescent since the
    1980,s. They stressed that, unlike other traditionally
    restive Iranian minorities (e.g., Baluchis, Kurds, and Arabs)
    there is no significant Kashgai separatist or autonomy
    movement. The sources noted that, in contrast to these
    Sunni-majority groups, the Kashgai, like most Persians, are
    overwhelmingly Sh'ia and thus do not suffer the religious
    discrimination reportedly experienced by Sunni Iranians.
    They also pointed out that, unlike other minorities, the
    Kashgai are not linked to populations in other countries,
    have no written language (obviating many cultural issues),
    and have no historical "national" ideology. In addition,
    they noted, both urbanized and traditional transhumant
    Kashgai are increasingly tied to and dependent on the larger
    Iranian economy and their Persian neighbors. Instead the
    carpet merchant asserted, "we are not Persians, but we ARE
    Iranians."
    Lu

`