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### Viewing cable 09SANTIAGO826, MYTH VS. REALITY IN CHILE'S MAPUCHE CONFLICT

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
09SANTIAGO826 | 2009-09-03 18:06 | 2010-12-13 21:09 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Santiago

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    VZCZCXRO8210
    PP RUEHAO RUEHCD RUEHGA RUEHGD RUEHHA RUEHHO RUEHMC RUEHMT RUEHNG
    RUEHNL RUEHQU RUEHRD RUEHRG RUEHRS RUEHTM RUEHVC
    DE RUEHSG #0826/01 2461805
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    P 031805Z SEP 09
    FM AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5417
    INFO RUEHWH/WESTERN HEMISPHERIC AFFAIRS DIPL POSTS PRIORITY
    RUEHMD/AMEMBASSY MADRID PRIORITY 0974
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
    RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
    RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 SANTIAGO 000826

    SIPDIS

    STATE FOR WHA/BSC, INR, INL, S/CT

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/27/2019
    TAGS: PGOV PTER PREL SOCI CI CO SP
    SUBJECT: MYTH VS. REALITY IN CHILE'S MAPUCHE CONFLICT

    REF: 08 SANTIAGO 856

    Classified By: A/DCM Laurie Weitzenkorn for reason 1.4 (B).

    ¶1. (C) Summary: Despite sensationalist press coverage and a
    popular image of bloody conflict in Chile's southern Mapuche
    heartland, poloffs found that relations between indigenous
    and non-indigenous communities were largely non-violent, if
    often tense and distrustful. Three people -- all Mapuche
    activists -- have died in the so-called Mapuche conflict over
    the past ten years. Arson, vandalism, and peaceful protests
    and non-violent activism have been far more common.
    Opposition politicians have alleged links between the Mapuche
    and foreign terrorist organizations FARC and ETA, but
    government officials downplay these connections as mere
    "guerrilla tourism." End Summary.

    ¶2. (U) Poloff and Pol Specialist traveled to the heart of
    Chile's Mapuche territory, the regions of Araucania and Los
    Rios, August 10-14. This trip happened to coincide with the
    death of a Mapuche activist, Jaime Mendoza, at the hands of a
    police officer in a conflict in Araucania on August 12,
    further focusing domestic political attention on Mapuche
    unrest. This is the first in a series of cables based on
    meetings with urban and rural Mapuche community members,
    government officials, church leaders, academics and civil
    society members during this trip. Septels will describe
    Mapuche demands and human rights issues.

    "Araucania in Flames" and Other Sensationalism
    --------------------------------------------- -

    ¶3. (SBU) A casual observer of Chilean news coverage could be
    forgiven for thinking that violent Mapuche activists with
    strong and active links to the FARC and ETA are killing
    innocent civilians each week in the so-called "Mapuche
    conflict." Opposition presidential candidate Sebastian
    Pinera has declared that "Araucania is in flames." Chile's
    major newspapers, which are generally conservative in their
    political outlook, frequently run reports of conflict related
    to indigenous concerns prominently on the front page.
    Destruction of property -- which accounts for the vast
    majority of all illegal Mapuche action -- is often displayed
    in full color and with bold headlines, sometimes beating out
    coverage of more severe crimes committed by non-indigenous
    Chileans. Moreover, positive or less incendiary news from
    indigenous communities -- resolution of localized conflicts,
    peaceful protests, meetings, or other actions taken to
    address Mapuche political concerns -- are often not covered
    at all.

    Conflicts Over Ancestral Lands
    ------------------------------

    ¶4. (SBU) Unsurprisingly, conflicts over ancestral lands are
    the most frequent flash point for clashes. The Chilean
    government's colonization policy of the late 1800s, known as
    the "Pacification of the Araucania," led to the first real
    conquest of Mapuche territory, which had never been under
    Spanish control. Mapuches were pushed off the best
    agricultural lands, which the Chilean government auctioned
    off. Land reforms in the 1960s and 70s benefited Mapuche
    communities as well as other landless farmers, but were
    largely rolled back under Pinochet. Preparation for the
    return to democracy led to a new deal between then candidate
    Patricio Aylwin and indigenous communities in 1989. Aylwin's
    victory was followed by a new indigenous law in 1993 that
    included mechanisms for transferring indigenous land back to
    indigenous communities. However, the ensuing 16 years have
    brought slow progress on land acquisitions and transfers,
    contributing to a Mapuche vision of 100 years of broken
    promises from the Chilean state.

    Social Protest or Domestic Terrorism?
    -------------------------------------

    ¶5. (SBU) In contrast to the sensationalist news coverage,
    the reality of relations between the indigenous Mapuche
    community, their non-indigenous neighbors, and the Chilean
    state is complex and sometimes contentious, but
    overwhelmingly non-violent. While the Chilean public
    associates Mapuches with rural areas of Araucania and
    neighboring regions, 70% of Mapuche live in urban areas.
    Santiago is home to more Mapuches than any other region.
    Confrontations between Mapuches and others in Santiago are
    rare, and many Mapuches go about their daily lives without
    highlighting their ethnic background. Outside of Santiago

    SANTIAGO 00000826 002 OF 003

    many Mapuche communities have peaceful but tense relations
    with their neighbors and the Chilean government. Frustration
    and distrust are common, particularly in rural communities in
    the regions of Bio Bio, Araucania, and Los Rios. Some
    communities are engaged in non-violent activism.

    ¶6. (SBU) According to Interior Under Secretary Patricio
    Rosende, 27 of Chile's 2,100 Mapuche communities are actively
    in conflict with landowners or the Chilean government. Eight
    of those 27 conflicts have turned violent. Since 1990, when
    the Mapuche community began pressing the newly democratic
    state for more rights and restitution of ancestral lands,
    three people have died as a direct result of the Mapuche
    conflict. All of the deaths have been young Mapuche
    activists killed by Chilean police: Alex Lemun, a 17-year
    old killed in 2002; Matrias Catrileo, a 23-year old killed in
    January 2008; and Jaime Mendoza, a 24-year old killed on
    August 12, 2009.

    ¶7. (SBU) While violence targeting people remains rare,
    vandalism and destruction of property are more common
    techniques used by communities in conflict. A single piece
    of land, owned by Rene Urban but claimed by Mapuche
    communities, has been occupied by Mapuche activists 62 times,
    and has been subject to arson and other forms of property
    destruction. Frequent attacks against property and
    investment projects contribute to the lack of economic
    development in the zone. Araucania has the highest poverty
    and unemployment rates in the nation. The president of the
    Temuco Agricultural Promotion Society recently told the
    press, "No one in his right mind would invest today in
    Araucania."

    "Guerrilla Tourism" or Expanding Terrorist Networks?:
    Alleged Links to FARC and ETA
    --------------------------------------------- --------

    ¶8. (C) In meetings with Poloff August 24 and 20, both
    Rosende and National Prosecutor's Office International
    Affairs Director Jorge Chocair played down allegations of
    ties between Mapuches -- particularly the often violent group
    Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM) -- and foreign terrorist
    organizations like the FARC or ETA. Yes, some CAM members
    have traveled to Colombia, Spain, and southern Mexico, and
    may have even participated in some training camps run by
    these foreign organizations, they said. A handful of
    representatives from Askapena, ETA's political arm, visited
    Mapuche communities in August 2009. However, Rosende and
    Chocair both characterized these relationships as relatively
    casual and infrequent, with Chocair describing it as
    "guerrilla tourism:" traveling to rebel-held areas of a
    third country for photos and meetings with little follow up.

    ¶9. (C) Rosende and Chocair both claim that the CAM barely
    exists now, thanks to a number of high-profile arrests of
    alleged CAM leaders. (Note: A September 1 press report
    alleges that the CAM is recruiting urban Mapuches to assume
    leadership roles in the organization. End note.) Jaime
    Lopez, an Araucania-based public defender specializing in
    Mapuche defendants, expressed his doubts to Poloffs on August
    11 that the CAM was ever a terrorist organization, noting
    that three successive court cases failed to demonstrate that
    they had organized any terrorist activity.

    ¶10. (C) In contrast to these views from administration
    officials, opposition leaders -- including presidential
    candidate Sebastian Pinera -- have sought to emphasize the
    connections between the Mapuche and terrorist organizations.
    During an August 19 meeting with Poloffs, Senator Alberto
    Espina stated that the Interior Ministry has evidence of FARC
    links to Chile, including dates and routes of travel for 8-10
    Mapuche individuals who attended FARC training camps. (Note:
    Reftel describes Pinera and Espina's role in publicizing a
    May 2008 Colombian intelligence report alleging links between
    FARC rebels and Chilean communists, Mapuche activists, and
    others in Chile. End note.)

    ¶11. (C) COMMENT: Disagreements between the Mapuche
    community, non-Mapuche landowners, and the Chilean state are
    serious and merit attention. At a minimum, such conflict
    traps indigenous and non-indigenous community members alike
    in a cycle of distrust, hindering economic development in the
    region and preventing the full inclusion of Mapuches in
    Chilean society. However, even with the most recent death of
    a young Mapuche activist, the large-scale violent unrest that
    many Chileans project on the region is overblown. Similarly,
    despite vocal allegations in the press, the opposition has

    SANTIAGO 00000826 003 OF 003

    yet to produce credible evidence that there is significant
    and on-going cooperation between the Mapuche community and
    FARC and ETA terrorists. END COMMENT.
    SIMONS

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